The Concept of Ihidayutha in Ephrem's Time
[4]
More than two decades ago Robert Murray pointed out an important
aspect of the Syriac ascetical movement: "... the
asceticism we know from early Syriac sources was nothing other than a
continuation... of discipleship, taken by some as imitation,
of the poor, homeless and celibate
Jesus."7
This element of continuity with first-century Jewish sectarian
movements has been suggested by various scholars. The
Acts of Judas Thomas is "inspired by a rigorously
encratite understanding of Christian
discipleship..."8
The inspiration of Syriac ascetical movements came from
the idea of radical discipleship of
Jesus.9
[5]
The term ihidaya is crucial in understanding early
Syriac asceticism. Every Syriac scholar knows the
long-standing discussions of this particular term in the
context of early Syriac Christianity and this paper is
not going to offer any new interpretation. It is instead
an attempt to point out the relation between
ihidayutha in Ephrem's time and the idea of
discipleship and the imitation of Christ in Ignatius of
Antioch.
[6]
Ihidaya is the title of Jesus Christ as 'the only Son'
of God. It translates the Greek term monogenous
(Jn 1:14, 18; 3:16, 18; 1 Jn 4:9; Lk 8:42 Lk 7:12, 9:38, etc.).
It means one, only one, unique, one without another, etc.
Syriac ihidaya is the equivalent of monogenous
and monachos. Alfred Adam, Edmund Beck, Gilles Quispel,
Antoine Guillaumont and Robert Murray have already explored the
various shades of meaning in this term. In the first three
centuries of the Christian era textual evidence for this term
is very scanty, in spite of the fact that the term developed
from various biblical passages. But the Demonstrations
of Aphrahat the Persian Sage (died about 345) and the writings
of Ephrem (c. 306-373) show that already by the first half of
the fourth century ihidaya had become a familiar, traditional
technical term denoting both Christ and the baptized ascetic
disciple of Christ. Murray has clarified the three senses of
ihidaya:10
- Monachos, or single from wife or family;
- Monotropos, Monozonos, not dipsuchos, single in heart, not double-minded;
- Monogenous, Only-Begotten, as well as united to the Only-Begotten.
[7]
Ihidaya was first and foremost the title of Christ
the Only-Begotten. The same term was applied to every
baptized Christian in general and to the ascetic disciple
in particular. The ascetic ihidaye were living in
the midst of society; they were not hermits or solitary
ones at all. This is evident from Aphrahat, Ephrem and
the Liber Graduum. "These ascetics (ihidaye)
were not solitary in the sense of being isolated from everybody else,
but in the sense of being
unmarried."11
The social involvement of the ihidaye was a
special feature of the Syrian ascetical movement in
Ephrem's time. Physical isolation and withdrawal from
the Christian community seems not to have occurred until a
later date.
[8]
The term ihidaya meant single, celibate, single-minded,
a baptized disciple or imitator of Christ the Ihidaya.
It is in the second half of the fourth century that it was almost
identified with Greek monachos, meaning monk or solitary.
But the original shades of meaning survived even then.
Both bthule (virgins, celibates) and qaddishe
(married ones who had renounced their marital life) formed
ihidaya who were consecrated and hence 'holy'.
The baptized soul as well as the Church itself became the
bride of Christ the heavenly Bridegroom. So many baptized
disciples who wanted to become close followers and imitators
of Christ renounced marriage itself and awaited the arrival
of Christ the heavenly Bridegroom. The eschatological
emphasis of early Christian thought was one of the
underlying reasons for this waiting. The imagery of
marriage feast and bridal chamber are very common in
early Christian literature in Syriac.
[9]
The ideal of the ascetic life as the angelikos bios
captivated the mind of many Christians. Baptism was a
potential re-entry into eschatological paradise. The
singleness of God, the singleness of Christ and the
singleness of Adam in
Paradise12
were thought of as combined in one ideal goal.
"Indeed, to a Syriac speaker, the individual ihidaya
will be to Christ (the ihidaya) what the individual
Christian (mshihaya) is to Christ
(Mshiha)."13
Baptism is 'putting on Christ' in the words of St Paul
(Gal 3:27; Rom 13:14). In baptism the name Mshiha
is imprinted upon the recipients who thereby become
Mshihaye.14
Christian baptism is the counterpart of Christ's incarnation:
The most High knew that Adam wanted to become a god, So he sent
His Son who put him on in order to grant him his
desire.15
Divinity flew down and descended
to raise and draw up humanity.
The Son has made beautiful the servants deformity,
and he has become a god, just as he
desired.16
Blessed is He who descended
put Adam on and
ascended.17
He gave us divinity,
we gave Him
humanity.18
[10]
The term ihidaya was applied specifically to the
ascetically oriented baptized disciples and followers of
Christ. The solemn invitation and consecration to
ihidayutha was indeed baptism. But it was
in response to a special call to discipleship.
Single-minded imitation of the heavenly Ihidaya
was the ideal of the earthly ihidaye. It was
a total commitment, the opposite of being 'double-minded'
(James 1:8). In the hymns on the Epiphany we read:
Behold the sword of our Lord in the waters,
which divides sons and fathers;
for it is a living sword, which makes
a division between the living and the dead.
Behold, they are baptized and become virgins and consecrated ones
for they went down, were baptized and put on that one Ihidaya.
Behold, many have hated, by reason of him,
even families, even offspring, even wealth.
For whoever is baptized and put on
the Ihidaya, the Lord of the many,
takes (lit. fills) the place of the many,
for Christ becomes his great treasure
For He has become, in the desert, a table of delicacies
and He has become, at the wedding-feast, the source of wines.
He has become in all things the property of all,
by means of good offices, healings and
promises.19
Murray has pointed out the significance of this hymn in
understanding the sense of ihidaya. It is singleness,
in that the ihidaya leaves his family and does not marry;
it is single-mindedness; above all it is a special relationship
to Christ the Ihidaya. At baptism the consecrated
ascetics 'put on' the Ihidaya in a special
manner.20
Ephrem speaks of the 'divided heart' in HdC 8:2; HdF 20:15;
66:7; HcH 29:35; etc. Here he is alluding to 1 Cor 7:34
where St. Paul speaks of a married person as 'divided'.
Aphrahat took this up in Demonstrations 18:10, in a
comment on Gen 2:24 ('a man shall leave his father and mother').
Gal 3:28 speaks of a state where mankind is neither male nor female.
[11]
The duality of the heart was a concept much discussed in
the early centuries of the Christian
era.21
It means a heart divided between good and evil, day and
night, light and darkness, life and death. A baptized ascetic
is a unique disciple of the unique Master. He cannot follow
Christ with a divided heart. Integrity and undividedness
of heart is called for in following and imitating
Christ. It is a single-minded discipleship, undivided
commitment to Christ, imitation of Christ, suffering and
martyrdom, perfect discipleship. This was a common
theme in the Apostolic
Fathers.22
Ignatius of Antioch longs that Christians should live
'with an undivided heart' (en ameristo[i]
kardia[i]).23
It is the internal unity and integrity of the soul that
is understood here, as in the Shepherd of Hermas. The
ascetical movements sprouted from the ideal of the whole-hearted
imitation of Christ which was already espoused by a
few disciples in Apostolic times.
Ihidaya means an undivided disciple of Christ the
Ihidaya.24
"Ihidaya is a complex term in Syrian literature.
Its primary meaning is not a monk, or a hermit, or a
solitary; it refers rather to the unity of man with
God."25
Following Christ with an undivided commitment was the
core of ihidayutha. "The ihidaya is a
follower and imitator of Christ the Ihidaya par
excellence; he is single-minded for Christ; his heart is
single and not divided; he is single as Adam was single
when he was created; he is single in the sense of
celibate."26
[12]
Ephrem advises the ascetics who anticipate the life of
Paradise here on earth: "...and let one who is divided
collect himself together and become one before
you."27
The term ihidaya means more than 'singleness' or
celibacy with a religious intention. It is singleness of
purpose or monotropos. The ihidaya is in
a special relationship with Christ the Ihidaya,
the only and beloved Son of God (Jn 1:14, 18; 3:16, 18).
According to many Syriac scholars this was the original
and primary meaning of the term ihidaya for the
Syriac theologians of antiquity. It was understood as
a special title of Christ in the Syriac-speaking world.
Aphrahat and Ephrem "seldom fail to make this connection
explicitly" whenever they speak of 'singles' in God's
service.28
This connection between human ihidaya and divine
Ihidaya is because of baptism. The ascetic
ihidaya is only a representative and type of many.
This representative role is compared to the divine
Ihidaya in putting on humanity at the incarnation.
It is a symbolic anticipation of the new man, re-created
Adam in a Paradise restored, realized and
regained.29
The purpose of putting on the heavenly Ihidaya in a
tangible and personal manner was to imitate
Christ30
and thereby to become a close follower, a perfect disciple
of Christ. "For thus it is proper for the disciples
of Christ to imitate Christ, their
Lord."31
The ascetic ihidaya stood for Christ on the one hand
and for the many on the other. Christ is his 'great treasure'
at baptism and he does not want to part with it. The Qyama of
ihidaye meant their religious covenant, voluntarily
undertaken at baptism, and also their resurrection here on
earth, their restored paradisiacal status. The ihidaye
"have received the likeness of
angels"32
and their virginity means a "communion with the watchers of
heaven."33
Ephrem makes an important comment about bishop Abraham of Nisibis:
Ihidaya in his daily life, being holy in his body,
Ihidaya in his house, internally and externally
chaste.34
S. Griffith argues that the stand or the station in life
the ihidaye take by covenant is much more than just a pact
of virginity or celibacy. "For the many they stand for Christ, and
for Christ they stand for the
many..."35
The ihidaye serve as a type for the whole Christian community.
Julian Saba was such a type for his people, as we are told
in the biography of him which is attributed to Ephrem:
Jesus was at all times depicted in his life-style,
and because he saw the glory of the Single One (ihidaya),
he too became a single one (ihidaya).
He showed contempt for this dwelling
which is passing away,
and he scorned the beauty which is fading.
He manifested the type (tupsa) for the
sons of his own people in
humility.36
Julian the ihidaya imitated Jesus the Ihidaya.
So "Jesus used to visit us in you"
(Julian).37
"Both you and your brothers are depicted in our Lord.
Blessed is the one who puts you
on."38
The typological and sacrificial dimensions of the term
ihidaya have also been
noticed.39
[13]
With a short description of Christian life as imitation of Christ
we shall conclude this paper. Ignatius was martyred during the
reign of Trajan (98-117 AD). About the year 110 he wrote
seven epistles in which his zeal for becoming a real and
perfect disciple of Christ stands out remarkably. He claims to
be an athlete of Christ, a phrase which became widespread in
later ascetic and monastic
circles.40
[14]
In all his seven epistles Ignatius introduces himself as
Theophoros, which means
God-bearer.41
In a third or fourth-century work called The Martyrdom of
Ignatius we find an interesting elucidation of the concept
of Theophoros. Ignatius was arrested for his
faith and he was questioned by the emperor Trajan: "And who is Theophoros?"
Ignatius replied: "He who has Christ within his heart."
"Do you then carry within you Him that was crucified?" "Truly so..."
The scriptural texts cited or alluded to by Ignatius to
clarify his title Theophoros are 2 Cor. 6:16; 1 Cor. 3:16-17;
1 Cor. 6:19; Lev. 26:11-12; Ex. 37:27. It is unlikely that
Theophoros was just a baptismal name for Ignatius,
rather it was a deliberate theological title which he used
to explain his whole Christian existence. The same work
speaks of martyrdom as the perfect imitation of Christ,
which makes one a perfect disciple of Christ. Origen
(c. 185-253) identified perfect discipleship with
martyrdom.42
[15]
Christians are "imitators of
God",43
who are described as follows: "You are fellow-travellers,
then, and carry with you God, and the Temple, and Christ,
and holiness, and are in all ways adorned by the commandments of Jesus
Christ.44
This is not an exact translation of the text. In the
original Greek we find theophoroi (God-bearers),
naophoroi (temple-bearers), Christophoroi
(Christ-bearers) and hagiophoroi (bearers of holy
things, Holy Spirit - bearers, holiness-bearers). It is in
this sense that Ignatius is Theophoros; it is in the
same sense that the Christians of Ephesus are called
theophoroi. Every individual Christian has to be
a Theophoros or Christophoros because of his
putting on Christ at baptism. Christian life is theophoric
because of the divine indwelling. Christians are to be
mimetai tou Kuriou (imitators of the
Lord).45
Intergrity, undividedness of heart or single-minded discipleship
of Christ can be part of this imitation of Christ. It is
a choice between death and
life.46
It is bearing "the stamp of God the Father in love through Jesus
Christ..."47
Christians have Christ in
themselves48
because of their discipleship and baptism. According to
Ignatius, Christ's passion is our resurrection (to pathos he estin hemon
anastasis).49
It is interesting that these ascetical themes reappear in
Ephrem's concept of ihidayutha in the fourth century.
It is also an indication of a link between the fourth-century
Syrian ascetical movement and the
early second-century concepts of Ignatius.
_______
Notes
1
Cf. P. Brown, The Body and Society:
Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity
(New York 1988), pp. 332ff.
2
K. Leyser, Hermits and the New Monasticism: A Study of Religious Communities in
Western Europe 1000-1150 (London 1984), p.7.
3
T. Koonammakkal, "Early Christian Monastic Origins: A General Introduction in the Context of the
Syriac Orient," Dialogue 18 (1991), 14-48; J.C. O' Neill,
"The Origins of Monasticism," in The Making of Orthodoxy:
Essays in Honour of Henry Chadwick, ed. R. Williams (Cambridge 1989), pp. 270-287.
4
Shafiq Abou Zayd, Ihidayutha: A Study of the Life of Singleness in the Syrian Orient:
From Ignatius of Antioch to Chalcedon 451 A.D. (Oxford 1993), pp. 9-14;
T. Koonammakkal, art.cit., pp. 33-34.
5
S.H. Griffith, "Asceticism in the Church of Syria: The Hermeneutics of Early Syrian
Monasticism," Asceticism, ed., V.L. Wimbush, R. Valantasis (New York 1995), p. 221.
6
Ibid., p. 221f.
7
R. Murray, "The Features of the Earliest Christian Asceticism," in Christian
Spirituality: Essays in Honour of Gordon Rupp, ed. P. Brooks (London 1975), p. 66.
8
Ibid.
9
G. Kretschmar, "Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Ursprung fruehchristliches Askese,"
ZThK 61 (1964), pp.27-67; P. Nagel, Die Motivierung der Askese in der alten Kirche
und der Ursprung des Moenchtums, TuU 95 (1966); A. Adam, "Grundbegriffe des
Moenchtums in sprachlicher Sicht," ZKG 65 (1953/4), pp. 209-39.
10
R. Murray, "The Exhortation to Candidates for Ascetical Vows at Baptism in the Ancient
Syriac Church," NTS 21 (1974/75), p. 67.
11
A. Baker, "Syriac and the Origins of Monasticism", The Downside Review 86
(1968), p. 348.
12
S. Brock, Saint Ephrem: Hymns on Paradise (New York 1990), pp. 31-32.
13
Ibid., p. 32; cf. S. Brock, The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of Saint Ephrem,
2nd ed. (Kalamazoo 1992), pp. 133-41.
14
HcH 22:3-7; 23:3-10; HdV 4:8-14; HdF 46:4, 51:7, etc.; cf. T. Koonammakkal, "Christ and
Christians: An Ecclesiological Theme in Ephrem," Christian Orient 15 (1994), pp.
163-169; repr. The Harp 8/9 (1995/96), pp. 345-354.
15
C Nis 69:12 = S. Brock, Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, p. 73.
16
HdV 48:17-18 = S. Brock, Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, p. 73.
17
HdV 23:13 = S. Brock, Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, p. 69.
18
HdF 5:17 = S. Brock, Saint Ephrem. Hymns on Paradise, p.74.
19
Epiph. 8: 16-17.
20
R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition
(Cambridge 1975), pp 13, 16; idem, "Exhortation," pp. 59-80; idem, "The Features
of the Earliest Christian Asceticism," p. 72f.
21
S. Abou Zayd, op. cit., pp. 24, 28, 44, 71, etc.
22
1 Clem. 23; Barn. 19:2,5; Shepherd of Hermas (more than fifty times):
Herm. Man. 9; Herm. Vis. 2:2,4; 3:3,4; 3:4,3; 3:7,1; 4:1,4; 4:2,6 etc.
23
Phil 6:2; T. Koonammakkal, "Ignatian Vision of Christian Life as Imitation of Christ," Christian Orient 17 (1996), pp. 119-27.
24
S. Abou Zayd, op. cit., pp. 269-80.
25
Ibid., p. 269.
26
S. Brock, The Luminous Eye, p. 139.
27
HdF 20:17.
28
S. Griffith, "Monks, 'singles', and the 'Sons of the covenant': Reflections on Syriac
Ascetic Terminology," Studia Anselmiana, 110 (1993), p. 144.
29
Ibid., p. 144.
30
Ibid., p. 145.
31
Parisot, Aphrahat's Demonstrations I, col. 276.
32
Ibid., col. 248.
33
Ibid., col. 309.
34
CNis 15:9.
35
S. H. Griffith, art. cit., Studia Anselmiana 110 (1993), p. 153.
36
S.H. Griffith, "Julian Saba, 'Father of the Monks' of Syria,"
Journal of Early Christian Studies 2 (1994), p. 204.
37
Ibid., p. 204.
38
Ibid., p. 205.
39
S. H. Griffith, "'Singles' in God's Service: Thoughts on the Ihidaye from the
works of Aphrahat and Ephrem the Syrian," The Harp 4 (1991), p. 155.
40
Ign. Pol. 1:3, 3:1; 2 Tim 2:5; Phil 1:27, 4:3; Heb 10:32f.; V. Saxer, "Athleta
Christi," Encyclopedia of the Early Church I, p. 96.
41
Ign. Eph. (Loeb Classical Library edition 24: 172), Ign. Magn. (LCL 24: 196), Ign. Trall. (LCL 24: 212),
Ign. Rom. (LCL 24: 224), Ign. Phld. (LCL 24: 238), Ign. Smyrn. (LCL 24: 250), Ign. Pol. (LCL 24: 266).
42
R. A. Greer, Origen: An Exhortation to Martyrdom, Prayer and Selected Works (New York 1979),
pp. 48-49, 59; Rom II:1-2; Rom IV-VI.
43
Ign. Eph. 1:1 (LCL 24: 172).
44
Ign. Eph. 9:2 (LCL 24: 182).
45
Ign. Eph. 10:3 (LCL 24: 184), Ign. Trall. 1:2 (LCL 24: 212),
Ign. Phld. (LCL 24: 246).
46
Cf. Ign. Magn. 5:1; Barn. 18:1-20:9; Did.
1:1-6:2.
47
Ign. Magn. 5:2.
48
Ign. Magn. 12:1.
49
Cf. Ign. Smyrn. 5:3.
