|
 HUGOYE: JOURNAL OF SYRIAC STUDIES |
|
|
HUGOYE: JOURNAL OF SYRIAC STUDIES |
|
Vol. 2, No. 2 July 1999 |
|
————————— Issue Index ————————— Home Volume Index Editorial Board Copyright & Citing Submission Transliteration Links ————————— Hugoye Email Group SyrCOM |
|
Deir al-Surian (Egypt): Its Wall-paintings, Wall-texts, and Manuscripts
To the memory of Paul van Moorsel In January 1999, an international team working under the auspices of Leiden University and the Netherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo continued its work in Deir al-Surian in the Wadi al-Natrun (Egypt). In the Church of the Virgin, work was resumed on the wall-paintings, while in the library, conservation work was carried out on the manuscripts. In this article, three of the people involved in this project give an account of recent developments and new insights. ContentsI. The Wall-paintings of Deir al-Surian: New discoveries of 1999
Karel C. INNEMÉE [1] In 1991, during restoration work after a fire that severely damaged a painting in the western semi-dome of the church of the Virgin in Deir al-Surian (Egypt), an older painting, representing the Annunciation, was discovered. This discovery triggered off a lively discussion among art historians concerning the date of the painting and the background of its maker. The number of questions surrounding this painting was one of the reasons to continue the investigations into its context, since there were indications that elsewhere in the church other paintings were present under the unpainted eighteenth century plaster and under the other paintings in the northern and southern semi-domes in the khurus of the church. [2] Since 1995, when a first trial campaign was launched, not only have a number of paintings come to light, several inscriptions have also been found. These finds have indeed shed a new light on the history of the monastery and its church. Reports of previous campaigns have appeared in Hugoye vol. 1, nos. 1 and 2. During January 1999, work was continued in the southern part of the khurus and in the dome over this part of the building.1 The present article is intended to be a preliminary report of this campaign. [3] During the 1999 campaign a number of (fragments of) paintings discovered on the upper south wall of the khurus in the previous season were consolidated. In addition to this, most of the remaining eighteenth century plaster on the southern wall was removed, revealing a number of other paintings (Ill. 1) The removal of plaster also enabled the author to make a number of observations on the architecture of the church in its relation to the painted decoration. 1. Stratigraphy of the paintings[4] In the previous report one section was dedicated to the stratigraphy of the subsequent layers of painting [cf. Innemée 1998b, 2.]. The paintings discovered in the khurus are all on layers 1 and 2 and more details concerning these two layers have now emerged, allowing us to confirm a number of earlier preliminary conclusions. One of these conclusions was that the first two layers of painting were executed within a short span of time, that is between the middle of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth century. The paintings found on the first layer until January 1999 were of a very simple character, mainly crosses painted in orange-red ochre. During the last campaign other, more elaborate paintings were discovered on the same layer. One characteristic they share with the paintings previously discovered is that they are mainly ornamental in character. But it has now been established that the first layer also contains polychrome paintings. The arch that opens into the southern semi-dome was initially surrounded by an ornamental border, surmounted by a cross. This design of this border was painted in ochre and then finished in red, green, and yellow. Crosses higher on the wall were painted only in red ochre, suggesting that they were also intended to be finished in more than one color. Crosses that have been found on the second layer were of a similar design as those on the first layer. The design was painted in orange-red ochre and then elaborated in more colors. In the upper parts of the khurus, the first layer of painting was plastered over with a thin lime-plaster; on the lower walls only a very thin layer of limewash was applied before the second layer of painting was executed. In some places it looks as if the second layer of painting was done directly on the limewash of the first layer of plaster. This gives the impression that the first layer of painting was not yet finished when the plan for the decoration of the church was changed. In the higher parts of the khurus the paintings, both the finished and the unfinished, were plastered over. In the lower parts, the work had not yet proceeded far enough and whitewashing was apparently sufficient. In some parts it seems it was not even necessary to whitewash before the new decoration could be begun. The fact that the ornamental crosses on the second layer are so much similar to crosses on the first layer suggests that the decision for a change in plan was taken soon after the beginning of the first decoration. No paint samples have been analyzed so far, but it seems that the pigments and the medium in both layers are also the same. [5] The second layer of painting must have been covered by Layer 4. This must have been done around the year 1200. The windows in the square zone under the dome were furnished with new tracings in gypsum and glass. Remains of these windows and the surrounding plaster are still in situ and in some other places patches of the plaster of Layer 4 have been found. Nothing can be said about paintings on this layer of plaster, since it was apparently all removed before the replastering of the interior of the church in 1781/2. 2. Newly Discovered Paintings Plan 1. Plan of the khurus. Numbers mark locations of paintings referred to in the following discussion. 2.1. Paintings on Layer 1[6] Around the arch that opens into the southern semi-dome, remains of an ornamental border were found. The first remains had already been found in 1998, but at that time it was not yet quite clear to which layer they belonged. After the complete removal of the eighteenth century plaster from the southern wall, it was revealed that they were part of the first layer of decoration. On either side of the arch the remains of a peacock and a cross encircled by a wreath were found (Ill. 2). Higher up on the wall only crosses in orange-red ochre have been found where the plaster of Layer 2 was missing. These crosses were covered with the paintings of the Eunuch of Candace and the illustrations of the apocryphal Acts of Andrew and Matthew [cf. Innemée 1998b, 3.5]. 2.2. Paintings on Layer 22.2.1 The Dome[7] It has now been established beyond any doubt that the inside of the dome over the khurus was decorated with paintings. Of these paintings, however, very little remains as far as it is possible to judge so far. Only at the lower edges and around the windows are fragments recognizable. In the north-eastern part of the dome the composition contained two thrones, of which parts of the legs and armrests can be distinguished. On either side of each throne there were standing figures, of which only the feet, wearing sandals, remain. These figures were probably placed in a landscape, since we can see an undulating green and yellow background. These scanty remains have so far not permitted any interpretation. Less than half of the surface of the dome has been investigated and conserved and at the moment there is still the possibility that during a next campaign remains which will give us a clue towards an identification of the scene will be found. [8] Below this representation, most probably running around the whole dome, there is Coptic text between two ornamental borders. The previous season a fragment of this text was found in the southern part of the dome and now another fragment in the north-eastern part has been uncovered (Ill. 3, Ill. 4). The most recently discovered fragment mentions the names of Father (PAPA) Moses, higoumenos and oikonomos (of the monastery) and Father Aaron,2 while the earlier fragments reads:"...This is in truth what the Lord has...". It is tempting to think that Moses and Aaron might be the same as "Moses and Aaron, priests and directors of the monastery," mentioned in an undated colophon of a Syriac manuscript from Deir al-Surian.3 However, these fragments still await more detailed study and the parts still covered by plaster need to be uncovered. 2.2.2. Scenes in the Square under the Dome[9] During the previous season a number of scenes, depicting the conversion and the baptism of the eunuch of Candace and scenes from the apocryphal Acts of Andrew and Matthew were discovered on the southern wall, to be exact in the square zone under the dome. In January 1999 remains of a number of paintings were found on the opposite (i.e., the northern) wall. Much less was preserved here and the state of preservation was problematical. Nevertheless, there is clear evidence that these paintings fitted into the same iconographical program. Like those on the southern wall, the paintings on the northern wall were divided in two zones, one over the other. The wall at this level has two windows that are still kept as aperture, one in the middle and one in the east. A third window, the westernmost one has been walled up, like that on the southern wall. So far the remains of two scenes have been found, over and between the two open windows (Ill. 5). Over the middle window we see half a circle, which looks as if it is suspended from the upper border of the painting. Within this circle there is a schematic representation of a town against the background of a starry sky. Such half-circles in the upper parts of paintings are most often meant to represent the spheres of heaven, from which a hand of God or other divine interventions appear. A town within such a circle might therefore be intended as a representation of the Heavenly Jerusalem. Right of this there are the remains of a standing man with a halo around his head. No remains of inscriptions have been found which could help us identify this scene. [10] The second scene, painted under the first one between the two open windows, has almost completely disappeared, except for a piece of bluish-grey background, on which we see the shoulder and part of the halo of a figure. Most fortunately an inscription left of this figure has been entirely preserved. It reads GRHGORIOS PIERMENIOS, St. Gregory the Armenian, i.e., St. Gregory the Illuminator. Since he is well-known for his preaching of Christianity in Armenia, we can consider (the remains of) this scene a counterpart to those on the opposite wall, where the theme is also conversion and baptism. If this is the iconographical theme for the decoration of this part of the church, the unidentified scene with the town in the half-circle should also fit within this framework, but since we have scarcely any known parallel for an iconographical program like this, a solution is not yet available. 2.2.3. A Fragment on the Upper Eastern Wall[11] The wall separating the khurus from the haikal has only been superficially investigated. Nevertheless, one fragment, uncovered on the far right part of this wall, gives us an indication that a large composition was or still is present on this wall. The fragment reveals a group of men, six in number, looking up at something or someone. Future investigations will have to reveal the subject of this composition, but a representation of Pentecost or the Ascension is not to be excluded. 2.2.4. The Lower Eastern Wall: Two Mounted Saints[12] Almost the complete southern part of the haikal has now been stripped of its eighteenth century plaster. Only the lowest part, the decorative zone with the painted imitation of columns and an architrave is still covered. The paintings at ground level show us a number of saints, painted on the eastern and the southern walls. The state of preservation of these paintings ranges from mediocre to bad. A difference with the paintings higher up on the walls is that here almost the entire compositions have been preserved, but that the surface has suffered many small pieces of damage, which adds up to at least a 50% loss of the painted surface. [13] On the eastern wall of the southern khurus, two saints on horseback have been found, represented with the heads of their horses facing each other (Ill. 6). Both saints wear a blue tunic and a red chlamys, a military cape. The right one holds a spear in his raised right hand, but at what kind of animal or human being this spear is aimed is no longer distinguishable. The lower part of both paintings is missing because the doorway between the khurus and the southern haikal has been cut through the painting. 2.2.5. The Lower Southern Wall: St. Victor[14] The southern wall contained two windows, which were walled up later. The windows used to divide the surface up into three more or less equal parts. The small cavalcade of saints continues on the southern wall, left of the left window. Here we find a painting of St. Victor Stratelates, identified by an inscription, this time in Greek: O AGIOS ... KTWR (Ill. 7). He is represented riding towards the right and wearing a bluish-grey tunic. In his raised right hand he holds a spear ending in a cross. This spear is directed towards a small kneeling figure in front of his horse. This man is dressed in a red chlamys and wears a crown on his head. No inscription reveals the identity of this man. His costume would suggest that he could either be the emperor Diocletian or Romanus, the pagan father of the saint and governor of Antioch, but according to the legends neither of the two has ever been confronted by Victor in a way as represented here.4 Behind the kneeling man, the remaining space under a window, now walled up, has been filled with an ornamental cross, surrounded by a garland of flowers. 2.2.6. The Lower Southern Wall: A Doctor Treating Patients[15] A remarkable painting was uncovered in the middle of the wall, between both windows (Ill. 8). On a small but neatly decorated stool, a saint is seated, turned towards the right. He wears a red tunic with a grey pallium. His hair and half long beard are grey. Much of the painting has been lost, including the face, but his right hand is clearly recognizable. In this he grasps a spoon, scalpel or similar instrument, which he holds close to the eyes of a much smaller person standing in front of him. His left arm is dropped around the shoulder of the man. The latter is dressed in a red tunic with a greenish cloak over it. In his left hand he holds a staff. In the background stands a third person, his chest bare and the lower part of his body dressed in a red garment. Between the head of the saint and the third person there is a small open cupboard in which there are six red and green bottles. It is evident that we are dealing with a representation of a doctor treating patients. The cupboard can be nothing other than a medicine chest. The next question is of course which saint is represented here. Several holy doctors are known, but there is not a trace of an inscription to be found on this painting. It is most usual to find an inscription next to the head of a saint, but even though the background has been damaged, it seems as if there has never been any inscription here. The prominent place he takes in the decoration of the church suggests that it should be an important saint, maybe even so well-known and recognizable that the painter did not find an inscription necessary. This could mean that we here have a representation of St. Luke. Of course this interpretation is highly speculative. If a counterpart of this painting were to be found on the opposite wall, it might help us to give a more trustworthy identification. 2.2.7. The Lower Southern Wall: Saints Cosmas and Damian[16] It is evident that the saints in this part of the church have been grouped according to their profession. Right of the painting of the seated doctor two holy physicians are represented standing, Cosmas and Damian (Ill. 9). The inscription left and right of the heads, again in Greek, reads: O AGIOS KOS.....AMI... Cosmas wears a yellow-brown tunic and a grey pallium, Damian is dressed in a grey tunic with a brown pallium. In their right hands they hold a spoon, scalpel or spatula. In the left hand of Cosmas we see an object that is not immediately recognizable. It consists of two cylinders, connected by an angular middle section. Two intertwining black lines emerge from the cylinders. Most probably it is a portable medicine chest, a common attribute for doctor-saints. Because of damage of the painting, the object that Damian was holding in his left hand has disappeared. 2.2.8. The South-Western Half-Column: A Standing Monk[17] Opposite the half-column that carries the painting of the Virgin Galaktotrophousa, on the wall separating the khurus from the haikal [cf. Innemée 1998b, 3.3.; Innemée 1998c, 87] there is another painted half-column on which parts of a painting have been uncovered in previous seasons [cf. Innemée 1998b, 3.6]. In January 1999, the total half-column was stripped of the remains of its thirteenth century plaster and a thick layer of eighteenth century plaster,5 revealing not only its total profile with a pedestal, attic base, and capital, but also a painting of a standing monk with raised hands (Ill. 10). The man, whose face has been heavily damaged, has grey hair and beard and is dressed in a brown tunic with clavi, over which he wears a black-and-white striped cape. Around his head there is a yellow halo. At the left side of his head there is the word ABBA, faintly legible. At the right side of his head only faint traces of an inscription were found, doubtlessly the last letters of his name. But since only ...IOS could be read, there is absolutely no certainty about the identity of the saint. [18] The pedestal and the base of the column have a classic appearance, similar and almost identical to the opposite half-column [cf. Innemée 1998c, fig. 14]. In its original shape, the capital had a lower part with a stucco decoration consisting of small arches. The spaces under these arches were painted alternately in red and green. One level higher there is a conical part which carries a painted decoration of a cross between four flowers. It looks as if this is one of the best preserved capitals in the church, belonging doubtlessly to the first phase of the building, i.e., the middle of the seventh century. The damaging of the delicate stucco arches must have been done before the thirteenth century replastering of the church. Both the base and the capital were covered by a thick layer of plaster, giving it a new profile and obscuring its original shape. The eighteenth century replastering added another layer, sometimes several centimeters thick, giving the column a rather shapeless appearance. 3. The Way of Working and Painting Technique[19] After an examination of the paintings and the stratigraphy of the plaster and paint, a number of preliminary observations could be made concerning the way the church was decorated. As has been mentioned above, the first layer of decoration was probably never finished. The plan was changed and work was resumed on the second layer. The painters worked in a similar way on both layers: first the outlines of the paintings were indicated in orange-red ochre, after which the final decoration was added, leaving the ochre partially visible. On the second layer the frames of the figurative scenes were indicated in ochre. After that, a number of painters started working within these outlines, probably simultaneously. The paintings of the equestrian saints, the seated and the standing doctors and the standing monk all betray a different style of painting. Possibly three or even four different hands can be distinguished here. Nevertheless, they were part of one iconographical program. The two crosses under the windows have the same basic design, but the final execution was different. [20] In spite of stylistic differences in their way of working, the painters used a similar technique. They started with a first layer of paint in tempera technique al secco. No details are yet known about the pigments and the medium, but the mat surface of this layer is clearly distinguishable from the following layers. These have a mat gloss and saturated colors. After cleaning the surface of this paint layer with a rotating cotton brush it took on a wax-like gloss. Also considering the structure of the surface of the paint, it seems almost certain that the final layers of paint in the first and second layer of decoration have been done in the encaustic technique. This way of working can be found almost everywhere in the paintings in the khurus, although some parts have been executed in tempera only. This is certainly true of the Coptic inscription around the dome, the decorative lower zone and some of the border-decorations. [21] There is a remarkable similarity between these observations and those of Michel Wuttmann, the restorer of the IFAO in Cairo, who treated the painting of the Annunciation in the same church in 1991. He also concluded that the medium of the painting was very likely to be wax, while the border was executed in tempera. In addition to this, he remarked that in some places a black layer of primer could be seen under the painting.6 Such a black layer has also been found as a primer in the painting of the military saint, next to the painting of the Virgin Galaktotrophousa. This would mean that several painters have been simultaneously at work in several parts of the church using the same technique, but in slightly different styles, and that the Annunciation, also painted on the second layer of plaster, was done in more or less the same period as the paintings in the khurus. 4. Observation Concerning the Architecture[22] As has been mentioned, two walled-up windows were found in the southern wall of the khurus. The reason that these windows were done away with was the construction of the defensive wall around the monastery, directly against the southern wall of the church. At the time that the paintings of the second layer were made, this wall did not yet exist and the windows were still open. This can be deduced from the fact that the red frames of the paintings have been carefully drawn around the windows. The complete blocking and overplastering of the windows belongs to the thirteenth century phase of the remodeling and redecoration of the church. The date of the construction of the wall would therefore provide us with a terminus ante quem for the paintings of the second layer in the khurus. A recently discovered Syriac inscription in the church mentions that a certain Mattay and Yacqub have "built and constructed" the monastery in the year 818/19 [Innemée-Van Rompay 1998, C.5.1.]. This building campaign must have taken place very soon after one of the most destructive Berber raids on the Wadi al-Natrun. In the course of the ninth and tenth century the monasteries of the region were fortified out of necessity and it is very well possible that the activities of Mattay and Yacqub included the building of the defensive wall. This would mean that the paintings of the second layer date from before 818/19. [23] Some observations could be made concerning the construction of the semi-domes in the khurus as well. In the far right corner of the southern wall, remains of the first wooden beam that supported the southern semi-dome were found. This beam had almost completely disintegrated, only the hole in the wall where it used to be, containing its decayed remains, was found. But it is clear that the plaster of the second layer and the border of the painting of St. Cosmas and Damian were both done around the already existing beam. This is in accordance with the fact that traces of an earlier layer of painting, also belonging to the second layer of plaster, have been found in the southern semi-dome. In other words, the construction of the semi-domes in the khurus, and most probably the western semi-dome as well, dates from before the paintings of the second layer. If the hypothesis formulated above is right, this would mean that the semi-domes should be dated somewhere in the eighth century. [24] Before the church was replastered as a preparation for the paintings of the thirteenth century, a number of windows were blocked with stone with an extremely hard mortar, resembling modern Portland cement. Such blockings were found in the western windows of the northern and southern walls under the dome and at ground level in the nave and the khurus. Wooden beams supporting the dome and the semi-domes were added. 5. Preliminary Conclusions[25] More evidence has come to light which can help us build up a more precise chronology for the subsequent phases of decoration of the church. As it appears now, there are good reasons to assume that in the eighth or ninth century the eastern part of the church was decorated with a coherent iconographical program which contained a number of themes rare in Christian iconography. The use of the encaustic technique is one argument to plea for a relatively early date. If we assume that the Syrian presence in the monastery dates back to the beginning of the ninth century [cf. Innemée-Van Rompay 1998], and that the inscription of Mattay and Yacqub concerns also the building of a defensive wall, it would mean that these paintings, in which the inscriptions are in Greek and Coptic, date from before 818/19, that is from the time that the monastery was still purely Coptic. As it appears now, there are also good reasons to assume that the famous painting of the Annunciation, discovered in 1991, can be linked to the paintings in the khurus. ______Notes
1
The conservation team consisted of Ms. Ewa Parandowska, Mr. Cristobal Calaforra,
Mr. Ashraf Nageh, Ms. Hanan Nairouz (restorers), Ms. Mariana Abd al-Shehid, Ms. Hoda
Dahab and Mr. Ashraf Bushra Kamel (students at the Restoration Department of Minia
University), and Dr. Karel Innemée (field-director).
2
Dr. Jacques van der Vliet (Leiden) kindly helped us with the deciphering of the Coptic text.
3
W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired Since
the Year 1838, 3 Vols. (London 1871) 2:668a.
4
Cf. De Lacy O'Leary, The Saints of Egypt (repr. Amsterdam 1974) 278-279.
5
In the upper and lower left parts of the column cross-sections of the thirteenth
and eighteenth century replastering were left as a testimony to its presence.
6
Cf. M. Wuttmann, "Circonstances de la découverte de la peinture de l'Annonciation dans la conque
ouest de l'église de la
Vierge au Deir Al-Souriani et observations
techniques," Cahiers archéologiques 43 (1995) 128.
References
Illustrations
II. Syriac Inscriptions in Deir al-Surian: Some Reflections on Their Writers and ReadersRompay@xs4all.nl Department of Near Eastern Studies (TCNO) University of Leiden P.O. Box 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, The Netherlands [26] In recent years, a number of Syriac texts have been uncovered in the Church of the Virgin of the Monastery of the Syrians (Egypt). They are written on the walls of the church and were covered by later layers of plaster. Their discovery took place in the framework of an Egyptian-Dutch project, headed since 1995 by Karel Innemée (University of Leiden). [27] Adding these to the texts previously known, we now have a fairly important collection of Syriac writings preserved in this church, which for about eight centuries (c. 800 - c. 1600) was the heart of a lively center of Syriac Christian culture in the Egyptian desert. Here it is my aim to give a general overview of the texts and to reflect on the purposes which they fulfilled as well as on their wider cultural contexts. [28] The texts are diverse in time, technique and function. A further distinction may be made according to their status, either as conveyers of independent messages or as explanatory notes on paintings. Finally, in many cases Syriac writing is accompanied by writing in other languages, Greek, Coptic, and (rarely) Arabic. This aspect may also shed light on the conditions under which the texts were written and read. [29] In the following survey, I shall start with the texts which have been known already for a long time and then proceed to the discoveries of the past ten years. A plan of the church (Plan 2 below) locates the texts and the paintings (with their relevant number and letter of the alphabet).  Plan 2. Full Plan of the Church of the Virgin of the Monastery of the Syrians (Egypt). (view large image) 1. Syriac Inscriptions from the Time of Moses of Nisibis[30] Up to the present day two impressive wooden doors, going back to the early tenth century, are in use in the church. One [1.a] closes the haikal (i.e., the sanctuary or altar room), the other [1.b] stands between the khurus (i.e., the space between the haikal and the nave of the church) and the nave. In both cases, the jambs and the lintel on top of them carry Syriac inscriptions [cf. Leroy 1982, 63-64].
[31] The two dates, 1225 and 1238 of the Greek, i.e., the Seleucid era, correspond to the years AD 913/14 and 926/27 (the month of Iyor of the former date is May 914). This must have been a period of intensive building activities, which in all probability were not limited to the "altar" (which may stand for the haikal) and "the door", but also included other parts of the church. It may not be without significance that in both instances the Coptic patriarch (respectively Gabriel and Cosmas) is named before his Syrian counterpart (respectively Yohannan and Basil). [32] The two long inscriptions, nicely shaped and clearly written, kept alive the memory of Moses of Nisibis, one of the most illustrious archimandrites of the monastery. They could not fail to attract the eye of the visitors and of all those who attended liturgical services, as far as such people knew Syriac. For those ignorant of that language Moses had something else to offer: the doors themselves have a number of carved panels, inlaid with pieces of ivory. The oldest door has six vertical rows of seven panels, the later door four rows of six panels. Most of the panels have geometric motifs; only the top layer has, for both doors, representations of saints, accompanied with their Greek names, written in inlaid ivory. The oldest door has, from right to left: Severus, Ignatius, Mary, Emmanuel, Mark, and Dioscorus. All names, except that of Emmanuel, are preceded by O AGIOS or H AGIA. The other door has: Mark, Emmanuel, Mary, and Peter. Here also, three names are accompanied with AGIOS or AGIA; the article, however, is not Greek, but Bohairic Coptic, i.e., PI and † (for Mark only the I remains). One wonders whether the choice of Coptic was a deliberate (albeit symbolic) one. Was this the language with which most of the people who filled the nave were familiar? Whatever the answer to this question may be, Moses' doors already confront us with three languages, which in his day must have existed side by side in the monastery: Syriac, Greek, and Coptic. [33] This is an appropriate point to mention a wooden reliquary, which is now stored in the museum of the monastery but which in earlier days must have had a place in the church. Its decoration is very similar to that of the two wooden doors and must date back to the time of Moses. It has seven figures of saints with ivory inlay. All of them have the relevant name in Greek, including in most cases the Greek article [cf. Evelyn White 1933, 195-196 and Plate LXIII]. 2. Inscriptions on the Wall-Paintings in the Three Semi-Domes[34] Until ten years ago, only three wall-paintings were known to exist in the church. They decorated the two semi-domes at either end of the khurus as well as one semi-dome at the west end of the nave. Although no exact dates can be provided, most scholars assume that these paintings belong to the same decoration program, which must have been carried out around the year 1200 or at the beginning of the thirteenth century [cf. Leroy 1982, 65-74 and Plates 107-146].
[35] Considering the paintings in the three semi-domes, we may conclude that Syriac is the predominant language. Whereas in the painting of the southern semi-dome [2a] an attempt has been made to achieve some balance between Syriac and Greek, the latter language is completely [2b] or nearly completely [2c] absent from the other paintings. Only the third painting [2c] had two isolated Coptic words. 3. The New Painting of the Annunciation[36] In 1988, a fire broke out in the church and caused damage to the painting in the western semi-dome [2c]. After the removal of the remaining parts, a new painting revealed itself, representing the Annunciation [cf. Van Moorsel 1995]. The Virgin Mary and the Archangel Gabriel, standing in the center, are accompanied by four prophets, Moses and Isaiah on the left, Ezekiel and Daniel on the right. With the exception of the Virgin, the names of the figures are written below them, in Greek characters and with the Greek article (... O PROFHTHS). Between the Archangel and the Virgin, the words spoken by the former to Mary are written in Greek ("Hail, full of grace, the Lord is with you"). A more prominent place, however, is taken by the texts written on the open book rolls carried by each of the prophets. These passages, taken from the prophets' biblical books (and seen as referring to the Virgin and to Christ's birth), amounting to nine, ten, eleven, and thirteen lines of text, are in Bohairic Coptic. Not only do they give the whole representation an entirely Coptic outlook, they also add to its didactic character, which is more outspoken here than in the paintings discussed above. The people who regularly saw this painting and these texts must have been Coptic Christians. As for the date, discussions are still going on among art-historians. Although, it can be ascertained only that this painting is older than the one on the upper layer (and thus must be prior to c. 1200), a date as early as the eighth century cannot be excluded. It must have been visible until c. 1200, when this Coptic painting was replaced with the painting of the Ascension which has so much Syriac on it. 4. The New Discoveries: Wall-Paintings[37] Since 1995, a number of new paintings have been uncovered [cf. Innemée 1998a, 1998b, 1998c]. Some of them fit into the general pattern described above, others present us with an entirely different situation.
[38] In conclusion, most of the newly discovered paintings applied on the second layer of plaster (which received its decoration between the seventh and the end of the twelfth century), have Greek or Coptic names and additional texts in Coptic [3 and 4c]. It is only the later, probably thirteenth-century, layer which has provided us with at least one additional Syriac name [4d]. 5. The New Discoveries: Commemorative Texts[39] Fortunately, a number of independent Syriac texts have been discovered which largely compensate for the poor harvest of Syriac writing found on the paintings themselves [cf. Jenner & Van Rompay 1998, Innemée & Van Rompay 1998]. Some of them are applied on the second layer of plaster and must have co-existed with the paintings for a long time. These texts are either painted or written on the walls. It seems possible to draw a rough distinction between the major texts, which are fairly long, have literary qualities and are executed with care (apparently by experienced writers), on the one hand, and short, more informal graffiti-like texts, which mention only a name, followed by some sort of supplication ("Pray for me"), on the other. [40] The major texts commemorate one or more persons, the visit of a person, or building activities. They contain names and in some cases a date. The way some of these texts have been carried out proves that they served - in addition to, and independently from, the paintings - as integral parts of the decoration of the walls. The main texts are listed here in chronological order.
6. The New Discoveries: Graffiti[41] Syriac graffiti have been found on various places on the walls of the church. They are much shorter than the major texts discussed above. Mostly a proper name is mentioned and the reader is entreated to pray for that person. The writers of the graffiti may have been visitors who had traveled all the way from Syria and Mesopotamia or perhaps members of the Syrian community in Cairo or elsewhere in Egypt. [42] It is difficult to date these texts, especially since paleographic criteria can hardly be used for less experienced handwriting, such as that found in most graffiti. Some of them, however, are old. As a matter of fact, the last lines of the Peter inscription [5e: between 932 and 940] are much shorter than the preceding ones, obviously in order not to overwrite an older graffito, which reads: "I, Athanas[ius], sinner, pray for me". To the left of the painting of the Three Patriarchs, there are two graffiti (written in the same hand or by two very similar hands), respectively for Habbib and for Yohannan, son of Habbib. Another, more expanded text is found to the right of the same painting. The name of its writer, however, cannot be read. [43] The genre of the graffiti had already been known in the church for a long time. Firstly, the wooden doors of the early tenth century, especially the one between the khurus and the nave, have a number of Syriac graffiti, written in ink on the frames around the decorated panels. One was incised in the wood by a certain Abraham, who also noted the date, namely the year 1780 (A.Gr.), i.e., AD 1468/69. [cf. Evelyn White 1933, 188]. Secondly, a number of Karshuni graffiti (some of them amounting to several lines and therefore to be regarded rather as real inscriptions) were seen by Evelyn White on a consecration cross, preserved as part of the filling of a lateral doorway leading to the north haikal [cf. Evelyn White 1933, 203-204 and Plate LXXII]. To date, these Karshuni texts no longer seem to be visible. To my knowledge, none of them have been deciphered. 7. Survey
[N.B. When for the same representation more than one language is mentioned, the underlined one is the most prominent.] 8. Some further observations[44] As far as the names and short explanatory notes on the paintings are concerned, it may be concluded that Syriac only appears in the thirteenth century. The earliest paintings only have Greek; in the next phase we find mainly Coptic [3 and 4c]. [45] The absence of Syriac from the paintings prior to the thirteenth century is not a great problem. As a matter of fact, there is a perfect parallel in the wall-paintings of the monastery of Mar Musa, near Nebek, in Syria. Here, it is only on the paintings of the third layer, datable to c. 1200, that Syriac names and explanatory notes appear, whereas the paintings of the earlier period (second half of the eleventh century) have only Greek for that purpose [cf. Dall'Oglio 1998, 14-16]. The conservative rules of the genre—as in the case of icons—may explain the persistence of Greek for many centuries, even when this language was no longer understood by the majority of the people. [46] The paintings that have Coptic as the most prominent language, i.e., the Annunciation [3] and the scene of the eunuch of Candace [4c], seem to suppose the use of the church for liturgical services in Coptic, for a (predominantly) Coptic congregation. The same conclusion may be drawn from the presence of the long Coptic inscription in the lower part of the dome which covers the khurus. It cannot be ruled out that these paintings belong to the eighth century and therefore antedate the Syrian presence in the monastery. However, whatever the date of their origin may have been, these paintings must have remained visible for a long time, well into the Syrian period, probably even until the twelfth century. This may suggest that even in this period the church was used as a Coptic church. It is only around the year 1200 that a new decorative program was planned which had Syriac as its main language. [47] In the same period, however—roughly between 800 and 1200— a number of Syriac texts were written on the walls to commemorate important persons, on the occasion of certain visits, and when building activities were completed. With the exception of a few Coptic pious texts (which have no historical data), all these texts are in Syriac. Syriac must, therefore, have been the official language of the monastery. [48] The picture which seems to emerge from this description is that from c. 800 onwards, the monastery was mainly a Syrian monastery—as indicated by its name—but that at the same time the church played a certain role for the local population. Syriac was the official language, used in writing by the monks and by the visitors from the Syro-Mesopotamian homeland, who saw the monastery as a stronghold of their culture in the Egyptian desert. Coptic, on the other hand, was the language of those who regularly came to the monastery to attend liturgical services and find spiritual nourishment. The absence of Arabic in this period is noteworthy, the more so since three major Arabic inscriptions have been found in the Monastery of Mar Musa in Syria, already referred to above, to be dated to the eleventh and twelfth centuries [cf. Dall'Oglio 1998, 15-16; Muwazzin 1998, 71-73]. [49] These first observations and reflections are based on the limited amount of data known so far. We certainly have to take into account the possibility that the situation may have been fluctuating and that the balance between Syriac, Greek and Coptic may have been changing in the course of the period under discussion. However, the idea that Deir al-Surian was a monastery which united within its walls (and literally on its walls) different cultural traditions deserves to be further pursued. [50] Moreover, the study of the languages found on the walls and on the paintings of Deir al-Surian in Egypt may benefit from a comparison with other wall-paintings in the Syrian area, especially in Syria and Lebanon, which bear witness to a similar linguistic complexity (Greek, Syriac, Arabic) [for the Lebanese wall-paintings, see most recently Sader 1997]. ______References
AcknowledgementsMat Immerzeel is responsible for the drawing of the plan of the church (in sections I and II). Rosemary Robson-McKillop improved the English language and style of the two sections. Both of them are gratefully acknowledged. III. The Conservation of Manuscripts in the Library of Deir al-Surian: First Notes
Elizabeth SOBCZYNSKI [51] Whilst working on the excavation and conservation of frescos and wall-texts in the Church of al-cAdra', art-historians and conservators were approached with a request for assistance and expertise in conserving and preserving a collection of ancient manuscripts housed in the library of Deir al-Surian. [52] In 1997, I was presented with an opportunity to carry out the first inspection of the manuscripts. The collection consists of approximately 900 manuscripts and all but some one hundred are being stored on wooden shelves in modern glass-fronted book cases. Thirty six manuscripts from the "Syriac collection" together with an unidentified number of manuscripts of unknown origin are housed in an area undisclosed to me.7 Environmental conditions in the Library are very unsatisfactory, with temperature and relative humidity fluctuating from very low to extremely high levels. [53] The main collection consists of manuscripts written in Coptic, Syriac, Ethiopic and Arabic on cotton paper, parchment and vellum. Centuries of mistreatment and bad handling together with adverse environmental conditions have contributed greatly to the poor condition of the manuscripts. The substrates suffer from embrittlement, discoloration and mechanical damage. Pages are stuck together and have become pitifully distorted. The use of iron-gall ink has also caused damage to the substrate, and there are many instances of ink suffering from flaking and lifting. Exposure to moisture has resulted in corrosive activity and caused very serious perforations and damage to the parchment and paper substrate. Carbon ink, which is the predominant writing medium, is also showing signs of ageing and deterioration. Lead-based pigments have blackened and assumed a dark grey appearance. Light and UV radiation has weakened the paper and faded the writing and painting media. In addition to this, silverfish, mice and other pests have made their harmful contributions. [54] Father Bigoul, the monk who has been caring for the manuscripts as best he can, has been working in a state of isolation from methods and techniques which are common knowledge amongst the international fraternity of conservators. Education is then of primary importance in maintaining the collection. Although the process of sharing knowledge with Father Bigoul was started in 1997, there is still much that needs to be taught to him so that he can personally take care of these works which the monks revere so solemnly. [55] In January 1999, I visited the Monastery for the second time. On this occasion my attention was focussed on what is known as the "Syriac Collection" and a list describing in some detail the physical condition was compiled in order to identify the scale of the conservation problem. With the exception of a few Syriac pieces and isolated folios kept in the main library, the "Syriac collection" is stored in a separate room. [56] Executed predominantly on parchment, the majority of the manuscripts are in a very poor condition. The damage to the parchment is both mechanical and physico-chemical in nature. With only few remaining leather bindings and wooden boards the most obvious damages are mechanical, the face of the surviving leather being worn away due to dryness and flaking. However, there is in existence an unprecedented amount of original structural evidence of the sewing of the block, with only very few repairs carried out by a monk in the nineteenth century. Chemical damage and changes are mostly evident on the writing ink, with some pages where the text has been almost entirely destroyed. [57] A tentative description of the Syriac manuscripts was made some time ago by Murad Kamil. Typed in the Arabic and English languages (Catalogue of the Syrian Manuscripts Newly Found in the Monastery of St. Mary Deipara in the Nitrian Desert, no date), this catalogue is still in existence and has remained in circulation among Syriac scholars as the main source of reference for the collection. [58] As a result of the technical examination in January, five manuscripts from the Syriac Collection were selected for immediate attention, on the basis of their physical condition. In addition, three manuscripts from the main collection were also prioritised on the same basis. The selected Syriac manuscripts include library number 2, 12, 15, 17 and 18 of Murad Kamil's inventory, spanning a period from the sixth to the eighth centuries. [59] A conservation plan was drawn up for their treatment, and a selection was made of conservation products and further investigative methods into the techniques and the technology used in making these manuscripts. The historical significance and the unique value of this collection necessitates a very careful and considered approach to the decisions to be taken concerning their conservation. [60] The objectives will be to conserve the collection, to ensure its survival with the minimum physical intervention, and to retain and preserve its structural and artistic integrity. Measures to be taken will also include the encasing of unbound volumes in conservation boxes to limit further damage and to create proper storage conditions, especially with respect to the highly damaging levels of humidity. [61] As an intermediate measure all the examined manuscripts were wrapped in an acid-free tissue paper. Leaves suffering from ink and pigment transfer were interleaved with acid-free tissue. A method of making acid-free manila phase boxes was shown to Father Bigoul in order to provide a secure temporary housing for the most vulnerable manuscripts. The material used came from donations given towards this project by conservation materials suppliers in England.8 Some eight phase-boxes were made during my stay in the Monastery and manuscripts placed inside. Father Bigoul has been instructed to continue this task during my absence. [62] Decaying leather binding on one of the manuscripts was surface cleaned and consolidated. A broken wooden board was cleaned and secured with a suitable Japanese tissue to prevent further damage. Preliminary tests on individual manuscripts were carried out and methods of treatment considered and discussed. [63] Inks and pigments were carefully examined and where appropriate samples taken for analysis and identification, to be carried out in London. Stabilising of the powdering ink and painting areas and arresting the deterioration is of a paramount importance. Samples of paper and parchment were taken for research purposes and to enable purchase of the most suitable repair material. To help with future selection of a method and materials for parchment and paper repair, and the choice of adhesive, an endurance evaluation test has been set up. Father Bigoul is to monitor and record changes in strength, flexibility, any dimensional changes, discoloration and reversibility over the next six months. [64] It should be noted that the mission of the conservators is quite separate from any academic understanding of the texts. After centuries of unfortunate experiences with Western visitors, the bishop and the monks are reluctant to share information about their treasures with the scholarly world. Indeed, understanding and close co-operation is needed to rebuild confidence and trust. In the meantime, it is the conservators' responsibility to preserve this priceless legacy of the past irrespective of any other considerations and to protect it for future generations as a living testimony of Christian culture in the Wadi al-Natrun. [65] The monks of Deir al-Surian can expect no financial help from the Egyptian Government, whose financial resources are hard pressed. In order to ensure the survival of the manuscript collection funding is now being sought. Offers of support - whether in terms of equipment, human help or financial donations - would be gratefully received and should be directed to the address below. Elizabeth SOBCZYNSKIProject Director Conservator of Works of Art on Paper c/o Voitek Conservation of Works of Art 9 Whitehorse Mews Westminster Bridge Rd. London SEI - 7QD Tel & Fax +44 171 9286094 e-mail Voitekcwa@BTInternet.com ______ Notes
7
All facts in this article have been based on a preliminary survey
and information supplied by a third party, and will be confirmed at a later date.
8
Conservation by Design Ltd. Time Works, 60 Park Road, West Bedford
MK41 7SL; Falkiner Fine Papers, 76 Southampton Row, London WC1B 4AR;
General Scientific, Unit2, 72-86 Garlands Rd,
Redhill, Surrey RH1 6NT. Chris Laver-Gibbs of Griffen Mill, The Old
Mill, Croscombe Nr. Wells, Somerset BA5 3QN, has offered to donate
specially made paper for the repairs of the manuscripts.
AcknowledgementsThe author wishes to thank Dr. Joyce Townsend, Prof. Luk Van Rompay and Tom Munro for help and advice in preparing this report. Special thanks to my son Christopher for technical help. |
