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 HUGOYE: JOURNAL OF SYRIAC STUDIES |
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HUGOYE: JOURNAL OF SYRIAC STUDIES |
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Vol. 3, No. 2 July 2000 |
| SPECIAL ISSUE: Michael the Syrian |
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Notes on the Late History of the Barsauma Monastery
Hubert.Kaufhold@jura.uni-muenchen.de Leopold-Wenger-Institut für Rechtsgeschichte der Universität München Professor-Huber-Platz 2 D-80539 München Translated into English from the original German by Tawny L. Holm tholm@grove.iup.edu Dept. of Philosophy and Religious Studies Indiana University of Pennsylvania 451 Sutton Hall Indiana, PA 15705 AbstractIn the time of Michael the Syrian and beyond, the Monastery of Saint Barsaumâ was the residence of the Syriac Orthodox patriarchs. According to the description of Ernest Honigmann (Le couvent de BarsaumâHistory of Syriac Literature (2nd edition 1956), pointed out - without further statements - that the monastery existed until the end of the 17th century. In the following article, historical notes concerning the monastery until 1676 A.D. are collected, mainly from manuscript colophon. [1] After his death 800 years ago on November 7, 1199, Patriarch Michael the Syrian (“the Elder”) was buried in the Barsaumô monastery. Barhebraeus reports in his church history that Michael was laid to rest in the “new church” that he had had erected in the monastery from 1180 to 1193, “in a tomb before the north altar, which he had already appointed in his lifetime.”1 Ernst Honigmann2 for good reasons identified the monastery with the ruins of Borsun Kalesi, which is on a mountain approximately 1600 meters high between Malatya and Adiyaman in southeast Turkey - not far from the renowned Nimrud Dag. Preserved there are the remains of a church with three apses. As a result of the destructions of the monastery and of the debris accumulated at the site in question, it is [not] ascertainable so far, whether the tomb was there.3 Excavations have not yet been carried out. [2] The beginnings of the Barsaumô monastery can be traced back to the end of the eighth century. It probably played no special role at first, but gained greater significance in the eleventh and twelfth century.4 Above all, Michael, who was at first abbot of the monastery, had several greater building projects executed. After his selection as patriarch in 1166 he frequently stayed in the monastery - as had already some of his predecessors - so that one can designate it a patriarchal residence. From 1074 to 1283, several church councils were held there.5 Michael’s successors in the thirteenth century likewise lived in this monastery. After its destruction, they stayed at first in Sis in the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia, before the Hananyâ monastery at Mardin (Dair az-Zacfarân) was the preferred residence of the patriarchs. Honigmann compiled the dates known especially from the chronicles, so that reference can be made to them.6 In 1285 the monastery was destroyed again by an earthquake. As a last event, Honigmann mentions a plundering of the monastery by the Kurds in the year 1293 or a little later.7 [3] The history of the monastery had not ended yet with that, as it might seem from the portrayal of Honigmann.8 The Syriac Orthodox patriarch Ignatius Aphram Barsaum (1887-1957) is - as so often - correct, when he in his history of Syriac literature points out that the monastery existed until the end of the seventeenth century.9 He does not make any more precise statements. For this reason, in what follows some excerpts will be compiled mainly from those Syriac manuscripts that throw some spotlights on the later history of the monastery. It obviously never again found its way back to its ancient splendor. [4] The reports about the monastery which are known to me are unfortunately very meager and also permit nothing like a representation of its broader history. They re-begin first in the second half of the fifteenth century. This suggests that it was in disrepair and uninhabited actually almost two centuries. Since the schism of 1292/3, the region in which it lies belonged to the Cilician line of the patriarchs, which later resided in Damascus. This Cilician patriarchy had no great significance any longer and expired in 1444/5. Because of the general decline, the Barsaumô monastery could probably not be revived at first,10 although there were doubtless Syriac people in the district at that time. Since the end of the fourteenth century a long line of Syriac-Orthodox bishops held authority from Gargar.11 Gargar (today Gerger),12 in which there was a church of the Virgin and of Saint Barsaumô13 lay not far from the Barsaumô monastery near the Euphrates. In the region were two other - in our period certainly more significant - Syriac monasteries, namely the “Monastery of the Steps” (Dairô d-seblôtô), known also as the Monastery of Môr Abhai, on the Euphrates,14 and the monastery of Abû G(h)âlib (or that of the Virgin and of Zacheus [Zakai]), at Wank.15 In the colophon of ms. Jerusalem 62 still two other monasteries are named: (the monastery of Môr Abhai lies) “in the region of Gargar, on the northern slope (of the river bank?) near the monastery of the barefooted friars (Shamîtôyô), called the Pesqîn, and opposite the monastery of Mor Shabtai, called Shîrâ.”16 Probably with that, only the local position would have been described. In other sources these older monasteries are not mentioned. They were probably no longer inhabited; a manuscript from the year 1599 verifies that explicitly (see below [21]). [5] We know in addition of some places in the region of Gargar, in which there were also still later Syriac churches: ’WYWS (pronunication: Âwios?) (Barsaumô church), Halhal (?, HLHL) (Mâmâ church), Karmô d-Dak(h)yô (?, KRM’ DDKY’17) Barsaumô church), Mag(h)zûnîr (?, MGZWNYR or MZWNYR18 or MaNGZNR19 near the monastery of Môr Abhai (Abhai church), Tabsiyas20 (Barsaumô church, church of the Virgin), cUrbîsh21 (George’s church) and Wank22 (church of the Virgin). We further know many people from the foregoing places by name from manuscript notes. That indicates, as we can see by even the place name “Wank” (Armenian: “Monastery”), that we find ourselves in a region in which there were numerous Armenians. [6] Now to the individual examples. a. Ms. Vat. Syr. 564 was written in 1463 in the monastery of Môr Abhai. In the colophon the writer states that it lay in the neighborhood of the monastery of Barsaumô.23 The conclusion that the latter was inhabited can not be unconditionally proven from this; it is possible that by mentioning the well-known Barsaumô monastery, the copyist wished only to indicate the local position. [7] b. My first reliable evidence for the late period of the Barsaumô monastery is nevertheless only six years later and stems from 1781 A. Gr. (1469/70 A.D.). In this year a manuscript with the history of the apostle Thomas and others was produced, written in the Barsaumô monastery.24 We do not learn anything further. [8] c. According to the colophon of an Armenian Tetraevangelium written in 1549 in the monastery of Surb Karapet, now in Lille, those who prepared it presented it “in memory of the door of Saint Barsaumô” (jishatak i durn surb Parsoma).24a Supposing that the Syrian Barsaumô monastery was intended here, it is reasonable that a reference to our region is not completely lacking. In any event, there is no reason for Michel Thierry’s reflection that the Armenians could have taken possession of the monastery.25 [9] d. In the not-yet-catalogued Ms. Aleppo Orth. 116, which contains a life of Mary, there is a short note from the year 1880 A. Gr. (=1568/9 A.D.) on the lower edge of one page. In it, the author offers a prayer for Rabban Malkê, the abbot of the monastery of Môr Abhai, and for seven other monks.26 He then summons a prayer “for Rabban Hananyô (the Abbot?) of Mar Barsaumô (l-Mar Barsaumô) and Rabban Yû’annîs.” Since he apparently lists all monks, the last-named two were probably the only occupants of the Barsaumô monastery. [10] e. About two years later, the ordained monk Slîbô sold another manuscript copied by him with the life of Mary (Aleppo Orth. 120) to the ordained monk Abhai, son of the Maqdisî (Jerusalem pilgrim) Badrân, from Gargar. The grammatically not-impeccable colophon proceeds: 'tktb l-ktb' hn' dyr' d-mry d-mrn mry Brswm' qlyt' cly' cl mcrt' rb' cl qbrh d-mry Brswm' cl k'p'. slw. b-(sch)nt 'lp w-tmn' m'' w-tmnyn w-tryn d-ywny' cl mcrt' d-mry Brswm' cl k'p'. Intended is probably: “Written was this book in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô in the upper cell at (over?) the great cave at (over?) the tomb of Mar Barsaumô on the rock. Pray! [Further, diagonally on the edge:] In the year 1882 A. Gr. [1570/1 A. D.] at (over?) the cave of Mar Baraumô on the rock.” Unfortunately, we do not know exactly where the tomb of the namesake of the famed monk Barsaumô from the fifth century is. According to the Syriac Vita he was buried in his monastery.27 In the Barsaumô monastery on the mountain, only a relic was later venerated, namely the right hand. Honigmann assumed that the monastery in which the saint lived was certainly in the immediate vicinity, but at the foot of the mountain.28 In the Vita it is reported specifically: “Il demeurait l’hiver dans la caverne et l’été … il allait avec ses disciples sur une montagne eloignée d’environ 25 milles de toute habitation …”29 [He lives in the cave in winter and in summer . . . he lives with his disciples on a mountain about 25 miles away from all habitation …”] In the Vita it is also reported that the old monastery was in a cave, which was built from an overhanging rock.30 Possibly the copyist of the ms. Aleppo 120 who speaks of a cave and a rock lived thus likewise, not in the later monastery on the mountain, but at the original monastery perhaps as a hermit. Apparently the location of the tomb was still known at that time. It is certainly striking that otherwise - perchance in the chronicle of Michael the Syrian - there is no discussion of it. An exception might be the chronicle extending to the year 1234, according to which Michael gave a speech to the council of 1193 in the Barsaumô monastery and at whose conclusion he used the wording “… through the prayer of the Virgin and of Saint Mar Barsaumô, before whose relic (tomb?) we are gathered (da-qdom, shk(h)înteh, et(h)kannashnan)”.31 Probably both the cave of the saint as well as the monastery on the mountain are legitimately viewed as the Barsaumô monastery. That there are two places hard by one another that can be referred to as the monastery of Barsaumô is very possible. The medieval monastery lay doubtless on a high mountain and was built as a fortress. Michael the Syrian reports the plundering of the monastery by Josselin in the year 1148 A.D. in his letter to the Emir of Melitene which says: “I have captured the monastery of Mar Barsaumô that is a fortress, that is higher than many others, as an eagle over the birds.”32 With his detailed description of the construction of the water system for the monastery he mentions the scepticism of the monks, “who did not believe that one could ever erect pipeline on the summit of a mountain like this one, which is full of stone and rock.”33 In 1066 some Armenian robbers “threw down” the rocks (shdaw b-kîp(h)ô); their accomplices remained “below” (l-taht).34 As a rule, the expression for the way into the monastery was “to go up” (sleq). In the chronicles extending to year 1234 A.D., there are yet references also to a Barsaumô monastery at the foot of a mountain, apparently right in the neighborhood: in 1163 the winter was hard and because of the mass of snow the river rose so much that the mill of the monastery was flooded;35 this river can probably only have been the Kahta Çay some way downstream from the monastery on the mountain.36 In February 1206, a fire devastated the building of the monastery, and a year later an earthquake destroyed the newly-built constructions. In the winter of 1207/8 there was then a severe rain, which “turned into a river and a great torrent, and it struck with force against the monastery and destroyed everything that it came upon.”37 It is not easily explained how a torrent on the peak of a mountain should have brought about such ravages, though the monastery lay on a saddle 60 meters beneath the summit.38 In 1207 Patriarch Athanasios died in the Barsaumô monastery and was interred “in the old lower church” (b-cidtô tahtôytô catîqtô).39 Since in the monastery on the mountain, only the “new church” had withstood the fire of 1183, we must presumably seek the “old church” elsewhere. Since it was designated as “the lower,” it stood perhaps at the foot of the mountain, in the old monastery of Barsaumô. The repair of the “water sources of the monastery” (cainô d-mayô ... d-cumrô), which Michael the Syrian undertook in 1173 A.D.,40 possibly refers also to a lower-situated monastery because - as Hellenkemper writes - “this report … [is] not entirely understandable, since it assumes a natural spring on the rocky crest, which according to present-day topographical restrictions [of the monastery on the mountain] appears hardly plausible.”41 More precise assessments can probably be made only on the spot and through excavations. The cave, which points to the old monastery of Barsaumô, is mentioned again in manuscripts from the years 1599 and 1622 (see below [21] and [22]). With all the evidence one should consider thus whether the monastery on the mountain was really meant. After all, Thierry required an hour for the climb from Peres - the village lying below - to the monastery on the mountain..”42 [11] f. In 1574 A.D., an unknown writer completed the ms. Istanbul, Mart Maryam 7. The manuscript belonged formerly to the collection of Fehim Bei in Istanbul. From this period stems the most accurate description, in which it says at the conclusion: “Completed on the seventeenth of the month of August in the year 1885 A. Gr. in the famed monastery (b-cumrô tabîbô) of Mar Barsaumô.”43 Vööbus knew the manuscript too and assigned it to a place: it was “written in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô in Melitene.”44 If, actually, something like “in the region of Melitene” is really in the manuscript - the (unfounded) restoration probably stems from Vööbus, however. [12] g. About two and a half years later the ms. Sharfeh 5/3, a Bêth Gazô, was produced. According to a note, a part of it was completed by Rabban Johannes in December of the year 1888 A. Gr., thus 1576 A. D.; “the beginning of this book was in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô and its conclusion in the monastery of Abû G(h)âlib.” According to a second note an additional part was concluded in the year 1889 A. Gr. (1578/79 A.D.) by Yânîs (=Johannes), son of the Jerusalem pilgrim (maqdshôyô) Mardiros, son of the Jerusalem pilgrim Barsaumô, from the village of Wank.45 The name Mardiros (that is the west-Armenian pronunciation of Martyrios) speaks for Armenian derivation. The ms. Oxford Marsh 706 (=Syr. 15) verifies this for the writer specifically (bar maqdshôyô Barsaumô 'armnôyô).46 In the dating, the native bishop from Gargar is named in addition to the Patriarch, the Maphrian and the Metropolitan of Jerusalem. [13] h. The next evidence is the ms. Leningrad 13, a Tetraevangelium. It was completed “on the ninth of September 1889 A. Gr. = 1578 A. D. …; it was written in the holy monastery of Mar Barsaumô …” In the dating, the same high ecclesiastical officials are named. The writer, the ordained monk Iwannîs, prays then for “Rabban Hananyô, the abbot of the monastery of Mar Barsaumô, who is my master and teacher.” The copyist is actually not from the Barsaumô monastery, because in the beginning of the Gospel of Luke he refers to himself as “Yô’annîs, monk from the monastery of the Virgin Mary and of saint Mar Zakai, which is on the northern mountain above the blessed Kastra Wank, known as the monastery of Abû G(h)âlib, and (above) Tabsiyas, in the region of Gargar.”47 The rotation of a monk from one monastery to another was not uncommon. In spite of the varied spelling of the name Johannes, the copyist of both parts of ms. Sharfeh 5/3 and that of ms. Leningrad 13 might then be identical. Hananyô and his disciple Johannes are certainly the same monks who lived there already in 1568/9 according to ms. Aleppo Orth. 116 (see above [9]). Since the writer of ms. Aleppo Orth. 116 offers a prayer for the monks of Môr Abhai and Mar Barsaumô (but not for those from Abû G(h)âlib), there was apparently a closer relationship between these two monasteries. Perhaps the Barsaumô monastery was re-colonized at that time from Môr Abhai. We do not know if more than two monks lived there in 1578. [14] i. From the same period stems ms. Dublin 1503. It was copied in 1578 A.D. also by Johannes, son of Mardiros, son of (Bar)saumô, in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô.48 [15] j. According to the ordination list contained in ms. Oxford Hunt. 444 (=Syr. 68), “on the memorial-day of the apostle in the year 1891 A. Gr.” (1580 A. D.), Michael and Gîwargîs were dedicated as deacons “for the monastery of saint Mar Barsaumô” (fol. 2b). That these were monks, one can not say for certain, but it is probable. With Michael it is a matter of the later Bishop Gregorios Michael from Gargar, who resided at least some time in the Barsaumô monastery (see below [21] and [22]), or a matter of the abbot of the same name (see below [22]). On the fifth of December 1895 A. Gr. (1583 A. D.), the monk Toros (Theodoros) - the name according to Armenian origin - received the ordination as priest “for the monastery of Barsaumô (fol. 3b).49 [16] k. In 1583, the pontifical legate Leonardo Abel visited the region of Gargar in order to meet with the Syriac-Orthodox patriarch in the monastery of Môr Abhai. In his “Relazione” to Pope Sixtus V. concerning his mission, he mentions in addition the places Gargar and cUrbîsh. In the list of bishops, a certain “Anania Vescovo di Santo Barsome”50 appears, by which might be intended our monastery and the abbot of this name given previously in ms. Leningrad 13 (see [9] and [13]); this Hananyô was ordained as bishop of Gargar by Patriarch Dawûd Shâh (1576-1581)51 yet resided - as was usual - in a monastery. Honigmann apparently deduced from that that the famed monastery was not inhabited again, and presumed incorrectly that Abel intended another one: “Il s’agit probablement du couvent du saint près de Hashraï, Begadshî et Tell Qobab” [It is probably the holy monastery near Hashraï, Begadshî and Tell Qobab] at Kephrtût (southwest of Mardin).52 The succession of the bishop sees in the list (Maipherqa - Mar Abhai53 - Barsaumô monastery - Harpût) corresponds to one for the monastery in our region, to another fits the name of the bishop to the other reports from this time. Hananyô is mentioned specifically - along with his official name Athanasios - for the year 1587 to 1594 in additional manuscripts (see [13], and below [17] and [18]). [17] l. On the thirteenth of December 1587 A. D. (1899 A. Gr.), the ordained monk Sohdô, son of Maqdis(î) Ohannes ('whns) from the region of Gargar produced a liturgy-commentary, ms. Mardin Orth. 121, that is, at the time of the Patriarch Dawûd Shâh, Maphrian Basileios Pilatos, and “our bishop Mar Athanasios Hananyô.”54 Because of the Armenian form of the family name, it is probable that he is also of Armenian origin. At the close of the colophon - composed in not entirely flawless Syriac - it says: ktbt hn' ktb' dyr' bryk' d-mry Brswm' twr' d-Psk' lwqbl twr' d-qryr “I have written this book (in the?) blessed monastery of our Lord Mar Barsaumô (on?) the mountain PSK’ opposite mountain of Qarîr55.”56 [18] m. On the eighteenth of July 1899 A. Gr. (=1588 A. D.), the Johannes, son of Mardiros, already known to us, completed ms. Aleppo Orth 4,57 an evangelium, in the time of Patriarch Ignatios Dawûd Shâh, Maphrian Basileios Pilatos, and Bishop Athanasios of Gargar. The manuscript was produced at the request of the faithful in the village of Tabsiyas in the region of Gargar, in the vicinity of the monastery of Mar Zakai (in which the book was written), the monastery of Abû G(h)âlib (namely Kastra Wank), the monastery of Mar Barsaumô (the head of the Ascetics [rîshô d-'âbîlê]), and the monastery of Mar Abhai.58 [19] n. When the earlier abbot, Hananyô, had become bishop (see [16]), a new abbot was apparently appointed. For 1590, Barsaum names monk Barsaumô, son of Asrazadûr from Gargar, as the abbot of the Barsaumô monastery,59 whose family name (Armenian Astuacatur “Theodatus”) is also Armenian; I can not substantiate it. In another place, Baraum names Johannes from Wank as the abbot of the Barsaumô monastery for 1590.60 That is more likely, since regarding him it must be a matter of the Johannes, son of Mardiros, already known to us, who had stayed occasionally in the Barsaumô monastery on previous occasions, and who was a disciple of the earlier abbot Hananyô (see [13]) and who then became bishop around 1595 (see below [20]). [20] o. In 1594 Johannes, son of Mardiros, describes the location of the Zakai monastery as follows in the ms. Sharfeh Patr. 277: “in the region of Gargar, on the mountain of the monastery of Mar Barsaumô.”60 We now know of a series of additional manuscripts, which trace back to him, yet do not refer to the Barsaumô monastery. In the Tetraevangelium Oxford Poc. 1 (=Syr. 31), written in 1594/5 in the monastery of Mar Zakai, he first gives his name as Wânîs (=Johannes) son of Mardiros, but it appears in the manuscript later as (Metropolitan) “Gregorios (Johannes) of Cappadocia.”62 He thus became bishop after 1594/5.63 [21] p. The ms. Istanbul Meryam Ana 49/46 (from the property of Thomas Basaranlar in Diyarbakir) contains a collection of saints’ lives. According to the history of Barsaumô, there is a note from the 13th of February 1599 A. D. (1810 A. Gr.), in which the writer Bishop Gregorios (Michael) of Gargar states he wrote the book “in the church of the Virgin of blessed Kastra Wank, which is known as the monastery of Abû G(h)âlib… in the vicinity of the monastery of the Virgin Mary and of saint … Mar Zakkai and the remaining monasteries, which in our time were emptied of people and also destroyed, and moreover, in the vicinity of the monastery and of the cave of saint Mar Barsaumô.”64 The cave, which appears also in the next example, allows one to think again of the old monastery from the fifth century. [22] q. In 1622 A. D. (1933 A. Gr.) the ordained monk Baraum, son of MWSS (probably Mowsês, the Armenian form of the name Moses), wrote a Shhîmô for the winter (olim ms. Harpût 39),65 at the time “… of our Metropolitan of Gargar, Mar Michael, in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô.” The copyist wrote “in a cave in the mountain PSK’, opposite the mountain Qarîrô, in the region of Kak(h)tâ66 in the district of Melitene, in the northern mountain.” The names of the mountains were encountered by us already in the manuscript from 1587 (above l). The copyist remembers the abbot Michael and the monk Isaak, as a “worthy old man.” Since he identified the abbot as “Rabban,” this one can hardly be identical with the previously named bishop Michael of Gargar “in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô.”67 One of the two is probably the Michael who was dedicated in 1580 as the deacon for the monastery (see [15]). Regarding the Bishop Michael mentioned it is certainly a matter of Michael, son of Barsaumô from cUrbîsh, who copied several manuscripts, one from 1588 containing the archetype of the chronicle of Michael the Syrian, among others.68 Whether this copy comes from the Barsaumô monastery, thus the place of origin for the chronicle, we do not know, because it can not be determined whether Michael lived there at that time.69 His residence in the monastery of Môr Abhai is attested for 1580 and 1594. Unfortunately, he seldom names the place in his colophons. His copy of the chronicle was in the monastery of Môr Abhai in the middle of the eighteenth century and served as Vorlage for the Arabic translation of the Monk Hannâ ibn cÎsâ of Sadad.70 Around 1800 it was overlooked in Dair az-Zacfarân.71 Then, at an unknown point in time, it arrived from Môr Abhai to Edessa, where it was preserved until the emigration of the Syriac people there to Aleppo in the year 1924. Today it is in Aleppo. Until about 1600, Michael was Metropolitan of Gargar with the official name Gregorios. The monastery would have hardly had more monks at that time than those named. [23] r. According to the ordination list of ms. Paris Syr. 395, in 1623/4 (?) Kyrillos Johannes from Gargar, Metropolitan of in Hisn Ziyâd (i.e. Harpût), took holy orders for the Barsaumô monastery.72 [24] s. In 1623/4 (1935 A. Gr.) the same Bishop Kyrillos (Johannes) probably ordained someone for the Barsaumô monastery, as is to be deduced from the ordination list of ms. Sharfeh 111.73 [25] t. The ordination list of ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 5/16 contains the ordination entries of the Metropolitan with jurisdiction over this region, Kyrillos Ephrem of Gargar74 for the years 1638 to 1655. The ordinations took place - as far as it concerns us - in the Zakai monastery (1638), in Wank/Abû G(h)âlib (1645, 1654), in the Barsaumô monastery "in the blessed region of Kak(h)tâ" (1645, 1647), in the Abai monastery (1647, 1654), in cUrbîsh (1654) and in Karmô d-Dak(h)yô (1655). In both 1645 and 1647 a Barsaumô is dedicated as deacon in the Barsaumô monastery (and probably for the monastery). [26] u. Ms. Mardin Orth. 326, containing the Nomokanon of Barhebraeus and some additional legal texts, was also produced in this region from 1658 to 1661.75 In it are several illuminating scribal notes. The copyist was the Metropolitan Kyrillos Ephrem of Gargar, whom we encountered already in the previous paragraph. He appears also in scribal notes of additional manuscripts. His father’s name was Ohannes, which again points to Armenian derivation. He was born shortly after 1580, because he states in the ms. Harvard Syr. 54 in 1659, that he is 77 years old.76 In 1622 he wrote the greatest part of the ms. Vat. Syr. 159, which contains various theological writings; he copied an additional part of the same in 1629 already as Metropolitan of Hattâk(h)â,77 a bishop’s see in the neighborhood of Maiperqat78 In 1638, he transferred at the desire of the patriarch from Hattâk(h)â to the see of Gargar; the Bishop (Gregorios) Pilatos residing in cUrbîsh (Môr Abhai) went later to Edessa.79 In spite of his move to Gargar, Ephrem designates Pilatos still as bishop of the place in a manscript completed in 1950 A. Gr. (1638/39 A. Gr., from Sharfeh Patr. 221): "at the time … of Mar Gregorios Pilatos from Kastra cUrbîsh, of the Metropolitan of Gargar and Môr Abhai".80 How the location was canonical/ecclesiastical, is not clear. Evidently for his official appointment as bishop, he prepared the Pontificale Damaskus Orth 5/16 in the monastery of Mar Zakai, which he completed in 1639 A. D. (1950 A. Gr.),81 but must have begun it previously, because he is already in the ordination entries from 1638 mentioned above under [25]). The last manuscript known to me from the years1658 to 1661, Mardin Orth. 316, should equally concern us even more. Baraum notes 1675 as the last date. The bishop must then have been over 90 years old. In a colophon from 1660/61 in the Mardin manuscript, Ephrem indicates that there was a great famine in that year in the region of Gargar, so that the price for grain was very high; in addition, the Euphrates was so risen, that it inundated the ladder at the monastery of Môr Abhai. An additional note, in which appears our Barsaumô monastery, he completed on the night of Whit-Sunday in 1661 in the church of Mary in Wank, at the time of the patriarch Yeshûc Qamshah, of Maphrian Basileos cAbd al-Masîh, as well "of the Bishop of Cappadocia, who lives in the monastery of Môr Abhai, (namely) Mar Gregorios Barsaumô from Wank, and of Timotheos cAbd al-Jalîl, of the metropolitan of Amid, from Mosul, and of one other bishop, who lives in the monastery of our Lord Mar Barsaumô, namely cAbdallah from Wank". Then he continues: “May God call this patriarch to account on the Day of Judgment! In the region of Gargar there are three bishops. O our fathers, do you not see at all then what is happening? We see not that God curses these patriarchs, who have brought about these divisions among us." He reports too, that he would have been fallen upon by thieves in the monastery of Mar Zakai and been robbed, except someone had helped him; he considers whether or not he should go into the town of Edessa. If he made this come true, we do not know.82 At that time there were apparently inner-church disturbances. Patriarch Yeshûc Qamshah had been ordained in 1652 as the antipatriarch, and was commonly acknowledged first in 1660 after the death of Patriarch Simon (who had served since 1639), but died by 1662. From 1662 there was then the united antipatriarch Andreas Ahigân. To the bishop of Cappadocia mentioned in the third note, Gregorios Barsaumô, from Wank (below [28]), we return yet again. Bishop cAbdallah from Wank (at Gargar) was probably the same, who in 1653 as Rabban cAbdallah al-Gargari sold the ms. Oxford 68; we know nothing else about him. With his lament that there were three bishops in the region of Gargar, Ephrem apparently means himself in the monastery of Mar Zakai, Gregorios Barsaumô in the monastery of Mar Abhai, and cAbdallah in the Barsaumô monastery. According to his somewhat clamoring note from afar, the bishop in the Barsaumô monastery seems to have found fault with the antipatriarch. [27] v. In 1675/6 A. D. (1987 A. Gr.) there is an otherwise not-indicated ordination of a Rabban Barsaum, also a monk for "Mar Barsaumô" (ordination list of ms. Oxford Hunt. 444 [= Syr. 68], fol. 184a). The entry certainly has a rather awkward effect. Since ordinations for the year 1673/4 for the church of the Virgin in Wank were previously recorded on fol. 183a, our Barsaumô monastery is certainly meant. [28] w. On the 26th of August 1987 A. Gr. (1676 A. D.) Rabban Jakob from the family Sabadiar from Wank completed the ms. Sharfeh 32 "in the monastery of Barsaumô, which is called the monastery of the steps.”83 "Step-monastery" as a rule always means only the monastery of Môr Abhai, not that of Mar Barsaumô. Whether this is a mistake of the copyist or the catalogue author here, I can not determine. The further content of the colophon communicates nevertheless - because it is characteristic for the sad situation of that time - which Bishop Kyrillos Ephrem he lamented. The monastery was in good condition, "but the Devil was envious and threw discord among the monks"; they opposed the Metropolitan (Gregorios) Barsaumô from Wank, who took his departure and settled himself somewhere else; they could not have withstood an insurrection of Kurds. This pessimistic-sounding note is the last mention of the Barsaumô monastery known to me.84 Its history probably came to a close in these years. [29] The region of Gargar was certainly not without significance for the Syriac Orthodox church in the last centuries, and its history requires a more thorough examination. The above-mentioned bishops, Gregorios Johannes, son of Mardiros,85 and Kyrillos Ephrem of Gargar were outstanding examples of their intellectual interest for their time. Nevertheless, the general decline of the ecclesiastical life is apparent. On the ordination lists one may read that there were only a few parishes in the diocese of Gargar. When George Percy Badger reports in the middle of the preceding century, that a Syriac Orthodox Metropolitan told him that not fewer than 60 Christian villages86 lay in the district of Gargar, it appears hardly credible. In any case, there were Syriac churches apparently only in the few places named above. The number of monks in the three inhabited monasteries was apparently not great. Among them, the Barsaumô monastery played the most negligible role. Whether the monastery on the mountain is meant in the late sources or the ancient monastery of Saint Barsaumô manifestly lying at its foot, can not be decided for the most part. Archaeological investigations could perhaps continue. Monks lived in the Barsaumô monastery probably only for some 200 years after its revival, and it appears to have been finally abandoned at the end of the seventeenth century. The monastery of Môr Abhai and of Abû G(h)âlib existed only a little longer. Not only did the uncertain political situation have detrimental consequences, but particularly also the disputes within the West Syriac Church. _______Notes
1
Joannes Baptista Abbeloos - Thomas Josephus Lamy,
Gregorii Barhebraei chronicon ecclesiasticum,
tomus I, Leuven 1872, 605/606.
In the anonymous chronicle extending to the year 1234, the part in which the report of Michael’s death ought to have stood is not
preserved, cf. Jean-Baptiste Chabot (Ed.), Anonymi auctoris chronicon ad A. C. 1234 pertinens. II, Leuven 1916, 335,
or the translation of Albert Abouna - Jean Maurice Fiey, Leuven 1974, 250 (= CSCO 82, 354).
2
Le couvent de Barsaumô et le patriarcat jacobite d'Antioche et de Syrie, Leuven 1954 (= CSCO 146).
3
Hansgerd Hellenkemper, Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit in der Grafschaft Edessa und im Königreich Kleinarmenien,
Bonn 1976. For the Barsaumô monastery: see especially pp. 99-103 (here 102).
Illustrations: Tables 18, 19. Cf. also M. Thierry, Monuments chrétiens inédits de Haute-Mésopotamie,
in: Syria 70 (1993) 179-204 (192-195: III.
Le couvent de Barsaumô [with a photo and a ground-plan of the church]).
Additional photos from André Maricq and Friedrich Karl Dörner are reproduced by Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô,
or Peter Kawerau, Die jakobitische Kirche im Zeitalter der syrischen Renaissance, Berlin 1960.
4
It had its own liturgical order, which the Metropolitan Dionysios of Melitene had determined at the beginning of the eleventh
century (Jean-Baptiste Chabot, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, tome III, Paris 1905, 190). Ms. Vat. Syr. 51 makes
reference to the rite of the monastery of Mar Barsaumô (Stephus Evodius and Joseph Simonius Assemani,
Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codicum manuscriptorum catalogus, partis primae tomus secundus, Rome 1758, 322).
The ms. Brit. Libr. 14.716 contains hymns according to the "order of the monastery of Mar Barsaumô" (William Wright,
Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, part 1, London 1870, 375a).
5
Cf. perhaps Joseph Mounayer, Les synodes syriens Jacobites, Beirut 1964, 78-92.
6
Le couvent de Barsaumô, above all pp. 47-76. Only some incidents, which are reported in the chronicle extending to the year 1234 A.D., are complete; some are considered below.
8
So for example, in reference to Honigmann - Hellenkemper, Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit 103: “In 1285 an earthquake destroyed a great part of the monastery buildings, and probably in 1293/94 the place was plundered by the invading Kurds and subsequently went to ruin.” Also Joseph Simonius Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Band 2, Rome 1721, page (97) of the unnumbered part gives no further evidence.
9
Histoire des sciences et de la littératur syriaque [Arabic], 2nd ed., Aleppo 1956 (several reprints), 509. Syriac translation by Ph. Y. Dolabani: ktobo d-berule bdire, Qamishle 1967, 633. Based on this evidence apparently is Jean-Maurice Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus, Beirut 1993, 176: "Le couvent exista jusqu'au milieu du XVIIe siècle."
10
Yohannan Dolabani, Die Patriarchen der syrisch-orthodoxen Kirche von Antiochien [Syriac], Holland [Glane/Losser] 1990, 181, line 7 from the bottom.
11
Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus 199-201 (the list may still be expanded).
12
Honigmann, Le Couvent de Barsaumô 123 (No. 40); Hellenkemper, Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit 79-83.
13
W. F. Ainsworth, Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Chaldea and Armenia, London 1842, 277, and K. Humann - O. Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Syrien, Berlin 1890, 354, reports only of an Armenian church with one priest.
14
Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 81f. (No. 15).
16
Filoksinos Yohanna Dolabany, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in St. Mark's Monastery. Edited ... by Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, Aleppo 1994, 190. For the location of the monastery cf. the description of Henri Pognon, Inscriptions sémitiques de la Syrie, de la Mésopotamie et de la région de Mossoul, Paris 1907, 117f. For the monastery of the barefooted friars and that of Mar Shabtai cf. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 59, 60f. , 82 (No. 16).
17
Ms. Dam. Orth. 5/16, ordination list; Ms. Sharfeh 111 (Behnam Sony, Le Catalogue des
manuscrits du patriarcat au couvent de Charfet - Liban [Arabic], Beirut 1993, 285b
[No. 780]: KRMW DYW. From the writing here the place name resembles closely the
Barsaumô monastery: Karmô (d-metqrê) d-Pîlô "vineyard of the elephants," see Chabot, Chronique de Michel III 287b (IV 644); Abbeloos-Lamy, Gregorii Barhebraei chronicon I 507.
18
Filoksinos Yohanna Dolabany, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Syriac Churches and Monasteries. Edited ... by Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, Aleppo 1994, 68 or Sony, Catalogue ... de Charfet 13 (No. 2), 285b (No. 780).
20
Cf. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 80 (No. 10). In which the still-to-be-named ms. Aleppo Orth. 4 vocalizes the place as follows: [in Syriac script], in the ms. Aleppo 15: [in Syriac script].” Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 80, 171, indicates that it is identical with "Taraksu", a place which is plotted on the second map of Honigmann.
21
Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 82 (No. 15), 171.
23
Arn. van Lantschoot, Inventaire des manuscrits syriaques des Fonds Vatican (490-631) Barberini Oriental et Neofiti, Vatican City 1965, 89.
24
Ms. Diyarbakir, Baaranlar 41, see Arthur Vööbus, Handschriftliche Überlieferung der
Mêmrê-Dichtung des Jacqob von Serug. III. Leuven 1980 (= CSCO 421) 49. A copy of it is ms. Damaskus Orth. 9/15, in whose account there is no indication of the Barsaumô monastery.
24a
Frédéric Macler, Rapport sur une mission scientifique en Belgique, Hollande, Danemark et Suède, Paris 1924, 61, 63.
26
Rabban Simeon, Rabban Johannes, Rabban Barsaumô, another Rabban Barsaumô, Rabban Theodoros, Rabban `Abdallah and Rabban Pilatos.
27
François Nau, “Résumé des monographies syriaques: Barsaumô .. “, in: Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 18 (1913) 270-276, 379-389, vol. 19 (1914) 113-134, 278-289 (here: volume 19, 284-286).
29
Nau, Résumé des monographies syriaques18 (1913) 380. Cf. also Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 24.
30
Arthur Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, Volume 2, Leuven 1960, 199f.
31
Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, II (= CSCO 82, 354) 317 (Text) or 237 (Translation: "devant le tombeau duquel nous sommes réunis"). Michael himself reports on the council in his chronicle only very briefly (Chabot, Chronique de Michel III 387).
32
Chabot, Chronique de Michel III 287a (IV 644).
35
Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, II 159 (text), 120 (translation).
36
S. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 39; Hellenkemper, Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit 99; Thierry, Monuments chrétiens 192. Naturally, the water mill also could have been situated below on the river separate from the monastery.
37
Chronicon anonymum ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, II 346 (text), 257f. (translation).
38
So Humann-Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien 206 (edited by Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 3f.; Thierry, Monuments chrétiens 193.
39
Ibid. 349 (text), 260 (translation). In the chronicle of Barhebraeus, where the Patriarch was buried is not noted, see Abbelloos-Lamy, Chronicon I 615 (where the year number is incorrectly given as "Chr. 1107" in stead of 1207.
40
Chabot, Chronique de Michel III 350 (IV 703).
41
Burgen der Kreuzritterzeit 101.
42
Monuments chrétiens 192, footnote 27.
43
Dolabany, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Syriac Churches and Monasteries 7-9.
44
So Vööbus, Syrrische Kanonessammlungen 236. In his
article "Die Entdeckung einer neuen Schrift des Mûshê bar Kêphâ über das Priestertum"
(in: Ostkirchliche Studien 23 [1974] 324-327), he refers on p. 325 only to "a small note at the end, according to which the manuscript was completed in the month of ‘ab in the year 1885 A. Gr., i.e. in August 1574 A. D. As the place of its preparation, the monastery of Mar Barsaumô is named." That corresponds to the statement by Dolabani.
45
Isaac Armalet, Catalogue des manuscrits de Charfet [Arabic] Jounieh 1936, 92f.
46
Robert Payne Smith, Catalogi codicum manuscriptorum bibliotheca Bodleianae, pars sexta, codices syriacos, carshunicos, Mendaeos complectens, Oxford 1864, 56-58. Cf. also Baraum, Histoire 460.
47
Description of the manuscript: I. W. Pigulewskaja, Katalog sirijskich rukopisej Leningrada, Moskow-Leningrad 1960 (= Palestinskij Sbornik 69) 45-48.
48
T. K. Abbott, Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, Dublin 1900, 403 ("in the convent of Mâr Bar-Sammâ").
49
He can not be identified with the scribe of ms. Oxford Marsh 706 (= Syr. 15) called Theodoros, because he was already a priest in 1578.
50
Relazione Di quanto ha trattato il Vescovo di Sidonia nella sua missione in Oriente data alla
Santità di N. Signore Sisto V a XIX Aprile MCLXXXVII, in: J. D. Mansi, Stephani Baluzii
Tutelensis Miscellanea novo ordine digesta et ... aucta, volume 4, Lucca 1776, 150-158
(here: 153);
Agnâtius Antûn Hâyik, cAllâqât kanîsat as-suryân al-yacâqiba mac al-kursî ar-rasûlî,
Beirut 1985, 129-142 (here: 139). Incorrect is Adolphe d'Avril (ed.), Relation de l'évêque de Sidon, in: Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 3 (1898) 200-216 ; 215: "Ananias, évêque de Sainte-Bertonie".
51
Ms. Cambridge Dd.81, see William Wright - Stanley Arthur Cook, A Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge, vol. II, Cambridge 19001, 985.
52
Le couvent de Barsaumô 180, Footnote 7.
53
Abel gives no name of a bishop at the monastery of Môr Abhai; probably there was none there at that time, because the metropolitan of Gargar certainly resided in the Barsaumô monastery.
55
The names of the mountains appear also in ms. Harpût 34 from 1622
(see above [22]); I do not know of additional evidence for them.
56
Sohdô copied also mss. Oxford Marsh 528 (= Syr. 199) (1594) and Damaskus Orth. 5/9 (1600), apparently however without comment on, or reference to, the Barsaumô monastery. Both of these dates are given by Baraum, Histoire 495, No. 255.
58
According to Baraum, Histoire 461 the manuscript should contain brief historical reports about the monasteries of Gargar.
60
Baraum, Histoire 460 (and - according to the Syriac translation [p. 576] - Rudolf
Macuch, Geschichte der spät- und neusyrischen Literatur,
Berlin - New York 1976, 23).
61
Sony, Catalogue ... de Charfet 72f. (Nr. 223). The statement "mountain of Mar
Barsaumô" (tûrô d-Môr B.) is found also in the chronicle of Michael the Syrian (Chabot, Chronique de Michel III 163a, 290 = IV 574, 647).
62
R. Payne Smith, Catalogi 94-96. According to the Syriac text in the catalogue,
the manuscript was written in 1906 ('sw) A. Gr., i. e. 1594/5 A. D., which fits the other
dates for the writer. The translation "anno Graecorum 1900 (A. D. 1695)" is at any rate incorrect.
63
Baraum, Histoire 460, gives "about 1599" as the date for the ordination to metropolitan.
64
The manuscript is not catalogued. I am obliged to Andrew Palmer for the particulars.
65
Dolabany, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Syrian Churches and Monasteries 71f.
66
Cf. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 38f., 82.
67
Barsaum, Histoire 494 (No. 251) is aware of
"Rabbân Mîhâ ibn Naggâr Daulatschâh al-Wankî al-Karkarî (1589-1606)".
68
Jean-Baptiste Chabot, Chronique de Michel le Syrien I, Paris 1899, pp. XXXVIf.
69
The statement of Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 82, footnote 1, saying that
the manuscript was written in cUrbîsh, ought not be understood as correctly quoted. Only the author originated from
cUrbîsh.
70
Athanasius Afram Baraum, Nubdha min ta’rikh al-a’brashiyyaat as-suryaaniyya, in: al-Majallat al-batriyarkiyyah 7 (1940) 187. Cf. also Georg Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, Band 2, Vatikanstadt 1947, 267.
71
Chabot, Chronique de Michel I p. XXXVIII.
72
Françoise Briquel-Chatonnet, Manuscrits syriaques de la Bibliothèque nationale de France … , Paris 1997, 115, which unfortunately does not list the ordinations individually, so that it is not certain when the ordination for the Barsaumô monastery occurred (fol. 13). The ms. was formerly in Istanbul, see Dolabani, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Syrian Churches and Monasteries 10-13 (including ordination list, but in which the entry specifically for the Barsaumô monastery is missing).
73
Sony, Catalogue ... de Charfet 285b (No. 780). Unfortunately, this list was also recorded only partially in the catalogue.
74
It is missing in Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus 200.
75
S. Arthur Vööbus, An Unknown Recension of the Syro-Roman Lawbook, Stockholm 1977, 7f (as No. 316), and more or less the same in numerous additional publications. A catalogue of the manuscript’s legal contents is in preparation by Hubert Kaufhold and Walter Selb.
76
D. S. Margoliouth, The Syro-Armenian Dialect, in: The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
London 1898, 839-861 (especially : 840, 846); M. H. Goshen-Gottstein,
Syriac Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library. A Catalogue, Missoula 1979, 59f.
Cf. also Barsaum, Histoire 34 (manuscript in Boston). Contra the assertion of Vincenzo
Poggi - Mar Grigorios, Hanna Ibrahim, Il commento al Trisagio di Giovanni Bar
Qûrsûs, in: Orientalia Christiana Periodica 52 (1986) 202-210 (here: 207) Ephrem can not only just have been born in 1612. The statement is based on Baraum, Histoire 495, who assigns the years 1612-1675 for Ephrem, which according to my experiences does not indicate absolutely the year dates, but the first and last record that he is aware of for the person in question.
77
St. E. and J. S. Assemani, Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codicum manuscriptorum catalogus, partis primae tomus tertius, Rom 1759, 307-319, especially 312f., 316. Cf. also Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis II 237f. and Poggi - Mar Grigorios, Il commento 207 (whose statement that he copied the manuscript between 1628 and 1640, must be an mistake; the later part was completed in Setember 1940. A. Gr., thus 1629 A. D.).
78
About Hattâk(h)â cf. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 166.
79
Ms. Harpût No. 39, see Dolabany, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in Syrian churches
and Monasteries 73. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus 209 quotes him among the
bishops of Hattâk(h)â, without giving more precise dates; he notes only, apparently in
connection with the literary history of Patriarch Baraum (p. 495, No. 263), that he is known
as copyist from 1612 to 1675. The name is given incorrectly by Fiey. "Jean" is not his bishop
name, but the name of the father (Fiey fails to recognize the Armenian form of the name and
writes "Ahanis"). Baraum names him only as bishop of Hattâk(h)â in the given place.
80
Sony, Catalogue ... de Charfet 339 (No. 856).
81
Yuhanon Dulabani - René Lavenant - Sebastian Brock - Samir Khalil Samir, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du patriarcat Syrien Orthodoxe à Homs (auj. à Damas), in: Parole de l'Orient 19 (1994) 555-661 (here: 577).
82
The colophons of ms. Mardin 316 the "Autobiography", presumably speaks of the Patriarch Baraum, Histoire 137 (Syriac translation: 188). So Poggi - Mar Grigorios, Il commento 207.
83
Sony, Catalogue ... de Charfet 75 (No. 229).
84
The ms. Sharfeh Patr. 297, a Fanqîthô, does not belong here. It was written in 1722 A. D.
(= 2033 A. Gr.) "in the monastery of Mar Theodoros, and its completion took place in the
monastery of saint Mar Barsaumô" (Sony, Catalogue ... de Charfet 3, Nr. 112).
The writer, the deacon Joseph Ibrahim, originated from the village of adad in the district of
Qârâ in Syria, so that one must think of the Theodore church in
Sadad. If my knowledge does not fail me, there is a monastery there. In any case, our
Barsaumô is not meant, as is demonstrated by an additional manuscript of the same
copyist, namely an uncatalogued gospel commentary in the Syriac-Orthodox bishopric in Homs,
which was completed on 1. 4. 2032 A. Gr. (1721 A. D.) "in the monastery of Mar Barsaumô
in Sadad." I know of no further evidence for this monastery. It does not appear with
H. al-cArab, "Sadad fi't-târîk(h)", in: The Patriarchal Journal, volumes 20-22 (1982-1984), in sequels. For additional Barsaumô monasteries cf. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barsaumô 44f.
86
The Nestorians and their Rituals, vol. I, London 1852, 318.
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F., Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Chaldea and Armenia, London 1842 al-cArab, H. , "Sadad fi't-tâ'rîkh", in: The Patriarchal Journal, Jahrgänge 20-22 (1982-1984) Armalet, Isaac, Catalogue des manuscrits de Charfet [arabisch], Jounieh 1936 Assemani, Stephanus Evodius und Joseph Simonius, Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codicum manuscriptorum catalogus, partis primae tomus secundus, Rom 1758; partis primae tomus tertius, Rom 1759 Assemani, Joseph Simonius, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana, Band 2, Rom 1721 d'Avril, Adolphe (Hrsg.), "Relation de l'évêque de Sidon", in: Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 3 (1898) 200-216 Badger, George Percy, The Nestorians and their Rituals, vol. I, London 1852 Barsaum, Ignatios Aphrem, Histoire des sciences et de la littératur syriaque [arabisch], 2. Auflage, Aleppo 1956 (mehrere Nachdrucke), 509. Syrische Übersetzung von Ph. Y. 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